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PROPERTY OF THE LATE COMTE LOUIS DE CHASTELLUX"At the very instant that I embark and leave the American shore, my thoughts, my affection turn backwards and fly towards your excellency. You was my dearest expectation when I landed in this country, you are my last idea…"1 François Jean de Beauvoir, Chevalier de Chastellux wrote these words in January 1783 to George Washington as he prepared to board a ship at Annapolis bound for France. The French general had grown very close to Washington as he served under him during the storied 1781 campaign that ended in victory at Yorktown. To this, and a subsequent letter written upon his safe arrival in Paris, Washington responded warmly:“The affectionate expressions in your farewell letter...from Annapolis gave a new spring to the pleasing remembrance of our past intimacy; and your Letter of the 4th from Paris, has convinced me that time nor distance can eradicate the Seeds of friendship when they have taken root in a good Soil and are nurtured by Philanthropy and Benevolence.—That I value your esteem, & wish to retain a place in your affections, are truths of which I hope you are convinced..."2These effusive expressions of affection commenced a remarkable trans-Atlantic correspondence between Washington and Chastellux–two gentlemen bound together not only by comradery born of shared wartime experience, but by a mutual affection and respect that transcended the military and political circumstances that brought them together. Jefferson found in Chastellux a kindred spirit. An accomplished Enlightenment philosopher who knew Voltaire, Chastellux proved an ideal companion for the Sage of Monticello, and the pair maintained correspondence as well. Chastellux also took the care to record and publish his interactions with these men, and the many others he encountered during his three-year visit to America. Chastellux’s account of his travels, his most popular and enduring work, is prized among historians as one of the more detailed and astute observations of American society and culture at the close of the War of American Independence.3Christie’s is pleased to offer a selection of six original letters from George Washington and three from Thomas Jefferson written to this dynamic Frenchman at auction in New York, on 14 December 2016. These beautifully-preserved letters, each of which bears a discreet blind stamp, “ARCHIVES DE CHASTELLUX” (see illustration), have remained within the Chastellux family for over two hundred years and offer a unique opportunity to acquire important examples of manuscript Americana that have never before appeared at auction. Replete with rich, historical and philosophical content, the letters offer a first-hand chronicle the United States during one of the most critical periods in American history—between the end of the Revolutionary War and the ratification of the federal Constitution—when the very survival of the nation was not yet assured.Professionally a military man—he entered the French service at age 13—the multi-talented François-Jean de Beauvoir, Chevalier de Chastellux (1734-1788) was the epitome of the Enlightenment. At age twenty-one, already a colonel, he earned a great distinction that endeared him to the French nation: he volunteered to be inoculated against smallpox—the first Frenchman to do so—considered an important triumph of reason over superstition. He later published two pamphlets on the subject, and by the start of the Seven Years War, inoculation was commonplace practice in the French army. In the ensuing years, when not burdened by military service, Chastellux published tracts on diverse subjects, including the philosophy of war; the relationship between poetry and music; plays (including an ambitious translation of Romeo and Juliet); all crowned by his philosophical work: De la Félicité Publique, ou Considérations sur le sort des hommes dans les différentes époques de l’histoire. First published in 1772, and soon-after translated into German and English, Public Happiness, which in essence concluded that the Enlightenment was indeed triumphing over superstition and ignorance, caught the attention of Voltaire, who agreed with Chastellux’s conclusions: “A great revolution is indeed taking shape in the human mind. You are bringing splendid columns to this new and necessary edifice.”4 For his work, the French Academy elected him a member in 1775, the same year war erupted in Massachusetts. As a man of letters, and a friend of liberty, he watched events across the Atlantic closely. In the 1776 revised edition of Public Happiness, he made note of the convulsions in America, characterizing it as “a favorable crisis, which cures previous ills and produces a permanent state of robust health. What every philosopher must hope for is that the outcome of the present war may be such that America will continue to grow in population and perfection…”5 In light of his rank in French society, Chastellux came into contact with American envoys, including Silas Deane and later Benjamin Franklin, and likely was aware of the covert assistance flowing to America under the auspices of M. de Beaumarchais before France openly allied with the United States in 1778. In light of his political sympathies, and, as other young officers, including his first cousin Lafayette, volunteered their services to the American cause, Chastellux must have been elated to be assigned to the expeditionary force, commanded by Jean Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, Comte de Rochambeau, that would sail to America to fight alongside George Washington and the Continental Army. With the rank of Major-General and Chief-of-Staff, Chastellux set sail with Rochambeau's army and arrived in Newport on July 11, 1780. The local population greeted them enthusiastically, celebrating their arrival by illuminating their windows with candles. Chastellux was the first French officer from this expedition to meet Washington. His visit to the Washington’s Newburgh headquarters in the autumn of 1780 is frequently cited as one of the most detailed accounts of camp-life during the Revolutionary War. Encountering a five-foot ten-inch gentleman conversing with the Marquis de Lafayette (his first cousin), Chastellux recalled, "It was the General himself. I was soon off horseback, and near him. The compliments were short; the sentiments with which I was animated, and the good wishes he testified for me were not equivocal."6 Reflecting on a lively dinner with claret and madeira, he was further moved to describe his early impressions of the General: “The goodness and benevolence which characterize him are evident in all that surrounds him; but the confidence he calls forth is never familiar, for the sentiment he inspires has the same origin in every individual, a profound esteem for his virtues and a high opinion of his talents.”7 For the next eleven months, the French forces remained in Newport while their leaders corresponded and frequently met with Washington to plan a united offensive against the British. Fluent in English, Chastellux was frequently employed as interpreter as neither Washington nor Rochambeau could speak the other's language. It was during this time that Chastellux and Washington developed a close friendship that was to endure long after the War. The planning of what was to become the victory at Yorktown was extensive, with much debate on whether to attack Clinton's army in New York or join Lafayette's troops against Cornwallis in Virginia. Against the arguments of Rochambeau, Chastellux supported Washington's decision in May of 1781 to focus all efforts on New York. With New York as the objective, the French army broke camp in Newport on 10 June and set out to join Washington's army in Westchester County, New York. Meanwhile, a fleet of the French navy under the command of Admiral François de Grasse set sail from the West Indies to provide additional support. With orders to select his own destination, de Grasse chose Virginia and in so doing, changed the course of the War. Upon hearing that de Grasse had arrived at the mouth of the Chesapeake, Washington reversed his earlier decision and committed the allied forces to a southern attack. Leaving a small force behind to deceive the British, the French and American armies hastily marched through Philadelphia and Baltimore towards Virginia. Washington, Rochambeau and Chastellux rode ahead of the troops and their stay at Mount Vernon while en route from Baltimore to Williamsburg was the first time Washington had visited his estate since he took command of the Continental Army six years earlier. Entrenched in Yorktown, Cornwallis was surrounded by the American and French armies to the south, while de Grasse's blockade, reinforced by another French fleet that had arrived from Newport delivering siege artillery, prevented any escape by sea. The allied forces opened fire on 9 October and after a few failed attempts to break through the opposition, including a sortie repelled by troops under Chastellux's command, Cornwallis raised the surrender flag eight days later.8 Following Yorktown, Chastellux spent the winter in Williamsburg, and with military operations winding down, Chastellux seized the opportunity for more travel. In April 1782, he again set out and traveled throughout Virginia where he visited the home of Thomas Jefferson. As recounted by Chastellux, the two quickly became fast friends and he writes:“I had no sooner spent two hours with him than I felt as if we had spent our whole lives together. Walking, the library – and above all, conversation which was always varied, always interesting, always sustained by that sweet satisfaction experienced by two persons who in communicating their feelings and opinions invariably find themselves in agreement and who understand each other at the first hint – all these made my four days spent at Monticello seem like four minutes.”9The two remained in contact after Chastellux’s visit to Monticello. In 1784, Jefferson wrote to Chastellux (who had recently become the Marquis de Chastellux) to recount a 1782 episode that had been occasioned by the private publication of an extract from his travel journals. Jefferson had heard from a friend (likely James Madison), that it contained several passages deemed offensive for their depiction of certain women he encountered, including Mrs. Philip Schuyler: “A gentleman…told me with much concern that you had written a book of journals and had a few copies printed, which had not only given great offence, but had very much lessened the public opinion of your talents . I think I need not tell you how deeply I felt this. He repeated to me perhaps half a dozen passages from your Voiage de Newport a Philadelphie, and contained strictures on some of the ladies…” Two years later, Jefferson finally saw a copy in print, and exclaimed, “I never was so astonished. I found it the most flattering account of America that had ever been written. I found indeed the passages which had been quoted; and…that there were in the whole book but about eight of these which could give offence to any body…” Jefferson suggested Chastellux revise these passages—advice that he valued as evidenced in the alterations he made in the passages when he published his first full edition in 1786.10 When Jefferson came to Paris as the United States minister to France, Chastellux allowed him to read his accounts of his travels in Virginia, for which he offered several corrections on place names and other “inconsiderable” errors in September 1785. Likely with his own work in mind, Notes on the State of Virginia, which he had just published anonymously in Paris, Jefferson opined that Chastellux had been perhaps too charitable in his characterization of the local population:“With respect to my countrymen there is surely nothing which can render them uneasy, in the observations made on them. They know that they are not perfect, and will be sensible that you have viewed them with a philanthropic eye. You say much good of them, and less ill than they are conscious may be said with truth. I have studied their character with attention. I have thought them, as you found them, aristocratical, pompous, clannish, indolent, hospitable, and I should have added, disinterested, but you say attached to their interest. This is the only trait in their character wherein our observations differ. I have always thought them so careless of their interests, so thoughtless in their expences and in all their transactions of business that I had placed it among the vices of their character, as indeed most virtues when carried beyond certain bounds degenerate into vices. I had even ascribed this to it's cause, to that warmth of their climate which unnerves and unmans both body and mind.”11Jefferson continued his thoughts, offering Chastellux a point-by-point analysis, rendered in a succinct, two-column chart delineating the distinctions between the American north and south. Those sectional characteristics changed gradually, so as one travelled along the coast, so that a person “without the aid of the quadrant may always know his latitude by the character of the people among whom he finds himself. It is in Pennsylvania that the two characters seem to meet and blend, and form a people free from the extremes both of vice and virtue…”12Following his stay at Monticello, Chastellux continued his journey through Virginia, recording his observations not only on the people he encountered, but on natural history including geology (a lengthy description of the Natural Bridge) as well as ornithology (with a discussion on the purple marlin) and general zoology (dominated by a treatise on the opossum). Later in the year he traveled again to New England and visited the Moravian settlements in northeastern Pennsylvania on his return to the south. In January 1783, Chastellux departed America for France, where he assumed new duties as the military governor of Longwy. Despite his new responsibilities, he did not forget his American friends. Just as he had with Jefferson, Chastellux continued his correspondence with Washington. In October 1783, with a final peace treaty expected to arrive and the British preparing to evacuate their headquarters in New York, Washington looked forward to retirement, anxious “to quit the walks of public life, and under my own vine, and my own Fig Tree, to seek those enjoyments, and that relaxation, which a mind that has been constantly upon the stretch for more than eight years, stands so much in want of”13 Although the United States emerged victorious from the struggle, the nation’s survival remained unassured under the Articles of Confederation. In their letters to Chastellux, both Washington and Jefferson mention the “Philadelphia Riot,” in which a body of unpaid soldiers surrounded Independence Hall demanding their back pay—an incident that convinced Congress to leave the city, further diminishing its already tarnished stature—one of many factors that led to the Constitutional Convention of 1787. In the short term, Congress’ retreat from Philadelphia opened the debate on a permanent seat of Government. Writing from Princeton, where Congress had reconvened, Washington reported that “They have lately determined to fix the permeant residence of Congress near the Falls of the Delaware, but where they will hold their Sessions till they can be properly established at that place, is yet undecided.”14 Jefferson, writing to Chastellux in January 1784 minimized the impact of the situation: “We are diverted with the European accounts of the anarchy and opposition to government in America. Nothing can be more untrue than these relations. There was indeed some dissatisfaction in the army at not being paid off before they were disbanded, and a very trifling mutiny of 200 soldiers in Philadelphia. On the latter occasion, Congress left that place disgusted with the pusillanimity of the government and not from any want of security to their own persons. The indignation which the other states felt at this insult to their delegates has enlisted them more warmly in support of Congress”15Not all was doom and gloom (or as Jefferson put it “all politics and poverty”)16. On 2 June 1784 an optimistic Washington writes of Jefferson’s efforts to enact the Northwest Ordinance –considered the one of the major achievements of the Old Congress. At times, Washington could wax philosophical. In the autumn of 1785, he offered his hopes for world peace, bordering on utopianism (before descending again to cold realities):“My first wish is to see the blessings of it diffused through all Countries, and among all ranks in every Country.-- and that we should consider ourselves as the children of a common parent, and be disposed to acts of brotherly kindness towards one another.-- In that case, all restrictions of Trade would vanish; we should take your Wines, your fruits and surplusage of such Articles as our necessities or convenience might require.—and in return give you our Fish, our Oil, Our Tobacco, our Naval stores .—and in like manner we should exchange produce with other Countries, to the reciprocal advantages of each-- the Globe is large, why need we wrangle for a small spot of it?—If one Country cannot contain us, another should open its Arms to us.— But these halcyon days (if they ever did exist) are now no more.— A wise Providence, I presume, has decreed it otherwise, and we shall be obliged to go on in the old way, disputing, and now & then fighting, until ‘the great Globe itself, dissolves.’”17In 1788, writing in the final letter of the present selection, Washington again eloquently expresses his hopes for an end to social and political strife, writing “it is time for the age of Knight-Errantry and mad-heroism to be at an end.—Your young military men, who want to reap the harvest of laurels, don't care (I suppose) how many seeds of war are sown. But for the sake of humanity it is devoutly to be wished, that the manly employment of Agriculture and the humanizing benefits of commerce, would supersede the waste of War and the rage of conquest; that the swords might be turned into plough-shares, the spears into pruning hooks, and, as the Scripture expresses it, ‘the nations learn war no more.—’"18 In the same letter Washington rejoiced in the prospect of the ratification of the new constitution that promised to remedy the faults of the Confederation, listing the states that had ratified it already and hoping, “Should it be adopted (and I think it will be) America will lift up her head again and in a few years become respectable among the Nations.”19In October 1787, Chastellux had wed Marie Josephine, Brigitte-Charlotte de Plunkett (1759-1815), lady-in-waiting to the duchesse d’Orleans. Washington rejoiced in the news: “My dear Marquis: In reading your very friendly...letter...I was, as you may well suppose, not less delighted than surprised to come across that plain American word ‘my wife’. A Wife! Well my dear Marquis, I can hardly refrain from smiling to find you are caught at last.—I saw, by the eulogium you often made on the happiness of domestic life in America, that you had swallowed the bait, & that you would as surely be taken (one day or another) as you was a Philosopher and a Soldier. —So your day has, at length, come. I am glad of it with all my heart and soul…”20 Sadly, Chastellux would not have much time to enjoy his new life as a married man. In October 1788, as Washington contemplated a return to public life under the new Constitution he so earnestly welcomed, Chastellux was seized by a fever and died.As a body of work, these expressive letters from Washington and Jefferson chronicle the often overlooked history of the Confederation period—a brief, but most critical period of the nation’s history. They record the authors’ fears and hopes for the future in an uncertain time, while offering an emotive tone that is not often encountered.Notes1 Chastellux to Washington, 8 January 1783. George Washington Papers at the Library of Congress, 1741-1799; Series 4. General Correspondence.2 Washington to Chastellux, 10 May 1783. (Lot 354)3 The first extracts of Chastellux’s journals appeared anonymously under the title Voyage de Newport à Philadelphia [sic], Albany, … A Newport. De I’mprimerie Royale de l’Escarde. [1781]. Several unauthorized editions appeared in the ensuing year. Chastellux’s first complete, authorized edition appeared in 1786, as Voyage de M. le Marquis de Chastellux dans l’Amérique Septentrioale Dans les années 1780, 1781 & 1782. 4 Howard C. Rice, Jr. ed., Travels in North America in the Years 1780, 1781 and 1782 by the Marquis de Chastellux. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1963, 1:10.5 Ibid, 1:96 Ibid, 1:105.7 Ibid, 1:1068 For a detailed account of the movements of the French army, see J. B. Perkins, France in the American Revolution, (New York, 1911), 303-412.9 Rice 2:392.10 See footnote for Jefferson to Chastellux, 24 December 1784 in Julian P. Boyd, ed, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson (Princeton, 1953),7:581-582.11 Jefferson to Chastellux, 2 September 1785. (Lot 362)12 Ibid.13 Washington to Chastellux, 12 October 1783. (Lot 355)14 Washington to Chastellux, 12 October 1783. (Lot 355)15 Jefferson to Chastellux, 16 January 1784. (Lot 360)16 Ibid.17 Washington to Chastellux, 5 September 1785. (Lot 358)18 Washington to Chastellux, 25 April 1788. (Lot 359)19 Ibid.20 Ibid.
WASHINGTON, George (1732-1799). Autograph letter signed (“Go: Washington”) as Commander-in-Chief, to François Jean de Beauvoir, Chevalier de Chastellux (1734-1788), Head Quarters, Newburgh, 10 May 1783. 3 pages, 4to, extremely fine.
Details
WASHINGTON, George (1732-1799). Autograph letter signed (“Go: Washington”) as Commander-in-Chief, to François Jean de Beauvoir, Chevalier de Chastellux (1734-1788), Head Quarters, Newburgh, 10 May 1783. 3 pages, 4to, extremely fine.
“Anxious expectation”: preparing for the definitive treaty, the end of hostilities and the confirmation of American independence. A letter of great personal warmth, looking forward to the signing of the Treaty of Paris, the end of hostilities (11 April) and the official confirmation of American Independence (20 September), with commentary on the evacuation of the Loyalists from New York City and writes, “We look forward with anxious expectation for the Definitive Treaty to remove the doubts & difficulties which prevail at present.”
Washington acknowledges “The affectionate expressions in your farewell letter...from Annapolis gave a new spring to the pleasing remembrance of our past intimacy; and your Letter of the 4th from Paris, has convinced me that time nor distance can eradicate the Seeds of friendship when they have taken root in a good Soil and are nurtured by Philanthropy and Benevolence.— That I value your esteem, & wish to retain a place in your affections, are truths of which I hope you are convinced;-- as I wish you to be of my sincerity when I assure you, that, it is among the first wishes of my heart to pay the tribute of respect to your Nation, to which I am prompted by motives of public considerations, & private friendships; but how far it may be in my power to yield a prompt obedience to my inclination is more than I can decide upon at present.—” Upon his embarkation for France Chastellux had written Washington from Annapolis: “At the very instant that I embark and leave the American shore, my thoughts, my affection turn backwards and fly towards your excellency, you was my dearest expectation when I landed in this country, you are my last idea…” (Chastellux to GW, 8 January 1783, Washington Papers, Library of Congress).
Chastellux, who had visited Mount Vernon in September 1781 during the Yorktown campaign, jokingly observed in his subsequent letter to Washington from Paris how easy it would be for a “French man of war … [to] go up the Patowmack, land a party of soldiers, and carry you away…” (Chastellux to GW, 4 March 1783) Washington responds in a similar vein: “You have, my dear Chevr., placed before my eyes the exposed situation of my Seat on the Potomack & warned me of the danger which is to be apprehended from a surprise; but, as I have an entire confidence in, and an Affection for your Countrymen, I shall bid defiance to the enterprise;” but “if success attend it, and I cannot make terms for my releasement, I shall be generously used by my Captors, and there is such a thing as a pleasing captivity.—”
The general then moves on to more pressing affairs, offering a picture of the relative calm that prevailed around New York in 1783: “At present, both Armies remain in the situation you left them, except that all acts of hostility have ceased in this quarter & things have put on a more tranquil appearance than heretofore.-- We look forward with anxious expectation for the Definitive Treaty to remove the doubts & difficulties which prevail at present – and our Country of our newly acquired friends in New York [the British], and other places within these States, of whose Company we are heartily tired.— Sir Guy [Carlton], with whom I have had a meeting at Dobbs ferry for the purpose of ascertaining the Epoch of this event, could give me no definitive answer; but general assurances that he has taken every preparatory step for it --one of which was, that a few days previous to the interview, he had shipped off for Nova Scotia upwards of 6000 Refugees or Loyalists; who apprehending they would not be received as Citizens of these United States he thought it his duty to remove previous to the evacuation of the City by the Kings Troops.” British forces would not evacuate New York City until 25 November 1783.
He reports on renewed Indian attacks: “The Indians have recommenced hostilities on the Frontiers of Pennsylvania & Virginia -- Killing & scalping whole families, who had just returned to the Habitations from which they had fled, in expectation of enjoying them again in Peace.—These People will be troublesome Neighbours to us, unless they can be removed to a much greater distance; and this is only to be done by purchase, or Conquest; which of the two will be adopted by Congress I know not. The first, I believe would be cheapest, and most consistent perhaps with justice – the latter most effectual.—”
“Mrs. Washington is very sensible of your kind remembrance of her & presents her best respects to you, in which all the Gentlemen of my Family who are with me, cordially and sincerely join...” In closing, he adds that “best wishes attend Baron Montesque, and such other Gentlemen within your circle, as I have the honor of an Acquaintance with....” A reference to Charles Louis de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu, Marquis de la Brède, an aide of Chastellux.
Letter book copy published in Writings, 27:418-420.
“Anxious expectation”: preparing for the definitive treaty, the end of hostilities and the confirmation of American independence. A letter of great personal warmth, looking forward to the signing of the Treaty of Paris, the end of hostilities (11 April) and the official confirmation of American Independence (20 September), with commentary on the evacuation of the Loyalists from New York City and writes, “We look forward with anxious expectation for the Definitive Treaty to remove the doubts & difficulties which prevail at present.”
Washington acknowledges “The affectionate expressions in your farewell letter...from Annapolis gave a new spring to the pleasing remembrance of our past intimacy; and your Letter of the 4th from Paris, has convinced me that time nor distance can eradicate the Seeds of friendship when they have taken root in a good Soil and are nurtured by Philanthropy and Benevolence.— That I value your esteem, & wish to retain a place in your affections, are truths of which I hope you are convinced;-- as I wish you to be of my sincerity when I assure you, that, it is among the first wishes of my heart to pay the tribute of respect to your Nation, to which I am prompted by motives of public considerations, & private friendships; but how far it may be in my power to yield a prompt obedience to my inclination is more than I can decide upon at present.—” Upon his embarkation for France Chastellux had written Washington from Annapolis: “At the very instant that I embark and leave the American shore, my thoughts, my affection turn backwards and fly towards your excellency, you was my dearest expectation when I landed in this country, you are my last idea…” (Chastellux to GW, 8 January 1783, Washington Papers, Library of Congress).
Chastellux, who had visited Mount Vernon in September 1781 during the Yorktown campaign, jokingly observed in his subsequent letter to Washington from Paris how easy it would be for a “French man of war … [to] go up the Patowmack, land a party of soldiers, and carry you away…” (Chastellux to GW, 4 March 1783) Washington responds in a similar vein: “You have, my dear Chevr., placed before my eyes the exposed situation of my Seat on the Potomack & warned me of the danger which is to be apprehended from a surprise; but, as I have an entire confidence in, and an Affection for your Countrymen, I shall bid defiance to the enterprise;” but “if success attend it, and I cannot make terms for my releasement, I shall be generously used by my Captors, and there is such a thing as a pleasing captivity.—”
The general then moves on to more pressing affairs, offering a picture of the relative calm that prevailed around New York in 1783: “At present, both Armies remain in the situation you left them, except that all acts of hostility have ceased in this quarter & things have put on a more tranquil appearance than heretofore.-- We look forward with anxious expectation for the Definitive Treaty to remove the doubts & difficulties which prevail at present – and our Country of our newly acquired friends in New York [the British], and other places within these States, of whose Company we are heartily tired.— Sir Guy [Carlton], with whom I have had a meeting at Dobbs ferry for the purpose of ascertaining the Epoch of this event, could give me no definitive answer; but general assurances that he has taken every preparatory step for it --one of which was, that a few days previous to the interview, he had shipped off for Nova Scotia upwards of 6000 Refugees or Loyalists; who apprehending they would not be received as Citizens of these United States he thought it his duty to remove previous to the evacuation of the City by the Kings Troops.” British forces would not evacuate New York City until 25 November 1783.
He reports on renewed Indian attacks: “The Indians have recommenced hostilities on the Frontiers of Pennsylvania & Virginia -- Killing & scalping whole families, who had just returned to the Habitations from which they had fled, in expectation of enjoying them again in Peace.—These People will be troublesome Neighbours to us, unless they can be removed to a much greater distance; and this is only to be done by purchase, or Conquest; which of the two will be adopted by Congress I know not. The first, I believe would be cheapest, and most consistent perhaps with justice – the latter most effectual.—”
“Mrs. Washington is very sensible of your kind remembrance of her & presents her best respects to you, in which all the Gentlemen of my Family who are with me, cordially and sincerely join...” In closing, he adds that “best wishes attend Baron Montesque, and such other Gentlemen within your circle, as I have the honor of an Acquaintance with....” A reference to Charles Louis de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu, Marquis de la Brède, an aide of Chastellux.
Letter book copy published in Writings, 27:418-420.
Sale room notice
The letter is four pages, not three.