Lot Essay
With its superbly executed dimunitive form and remarkable history of ownership, this chest-on-chest is both an outstanding survival of craftmanship and an important document of the historical turbulance of Revolutionary America. The chest embodies the restrained elegance of high-style Boston furniture of the latter eighteenth century and features the region's preference for a linear emphasis and selective ornament. Blocking, the interplay of convex and concave contours, had been part of the Boston cabinetmaker's repertoire since the late 1730s. Its continued use well after the introduction of alternative means of decoration such as the bombe, serpentine, and reverse-serpentine styles, reflects the conservatism of that city; such longevity, however, allowed its makers to attain mastery over its production. The assured blocking, well-proportioned design, and boldly executed eagle finial of this chest reflects the confidence of a maker well-versed in the form and style.
An eye-catching focal point, the carved and water-gilt eagle finial enhances the chest's already successful design. Its production required the work of a specialist craftsman especially commissioned by the master cabinetmaker (Luke Beckerdite, "Carving Practices in Eighteenth-Century Boston," Old-Time New England, vol. 72, 1987, pp. 135, 138; Mary Ellen Hayward Yehia, "Ornamental Carving on Boston Furniture of the Chippendale Style," in Broke Jobe, ed., Boston Furniture of the Eighteenth Century (Boston, 1972), p.199). Compared to plain, lathe-turned finials, the additional labor involved in the hand carving and gilding of the eagle translated into additional cost for the customer.
With an almost identical wing profile and its particular delineation of feathers, the water-gilt eagle illustrated in figure 3 can be attributed to the same carver. The finial surmounts a bombe desk-and-bookcase signed by George Bright and illustrated in Richard Randall, Jr., American Furniture (Boston, 1965), pp.89-91, fig. 64. George Bright (1726-1805) was one of Boston's most prominent cabinetmakers of the second half of the eighteenth century. Known as "the neatest workman in town," he prospered despite the depression during and following the Revolutionary War and his inventory listed a shop and house valued together at $4,900 (Randall, Jr., p.90; Mabel M. Swan, "Boston's Carvers and Joiners: Part II. Post-Revolutionary," Antiques (April, 1948), p.281). In all likelihood, the carving was not executed by the Bright shop, but commissioned on a piecework basis to one of the at least fifteen full-time carvers working in Boston at the time, possibly to a member of the well-known Skillin family; Bright was friends with Simeon Skillin, Sr. and was listed as one of the creditors of John Skillin's estate (Swan, p.281). A third eagle finial also appears to be the work of the same hand; it surmounts a desk-and-bookcase attributed to Gibbs Atkins (1739-1806) and is illustrated in Monique B. Lehner and Minxie J. Fannin, "History in towns, Hingham, Massachusetts," Antiques (October 1989), p.819. Two other related finials indicate the work of a different carver but, with head profiles similar to those on the Bliss family and George Bright examples, a common design source; one (fig.5) surmounts a blockfront desk-and-bookcase illustrated in Randall, Jr., pp.86-89, cat. 63 and the other (fig.4) surmounts a straight-front desk-and-bookcase illustrated in Brock Jobe and Myrna Kaye, American Furniture: The Colonial Era (Boston, 1984), pp.246-250, cat.51.
"I hoped in a land of liberty I should not be condemn'd for opinions only"
-S. S. Blowers to Jonathan Bliss, November 24th 1778 (Letter, Public Record Office, London, ref. AO 13/43)
The above quote was written by the loyalist Sampson Salter Blowers (1742-1842) to his likeminded and good friend, Jonathan Bliss (1742-1822) during their exile in England. Either first owned by Bliss or Blowers, this chest-on-chest illustrates the societal upheaval faced by sympathizers to the Crown during the Revolutionary War. Loyalists frequently hailed from colonial America's social and economic elite and in Massachusetts included prominent leaders of the mercantile, legal and clerical professions. As political tensions intensified, however, their stature offered little protection from persecution and many chose to abandon their estates and risk treacherous voyages to eastern Canada and England. Often crammed into ships manned by the British troops or left to their own devices, few had the opportunity to carry much more than their family silver. Thus, their departure entailed the abandonment of extensive land holdings, houses, and household furnishing, much of which was later seized and redistributed by committees authorized by the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts (Mabel M. Swan, "Furniture of the Boston Tories," Antiques (March, 1942), p.186).
This chest-on-chest is one of three Boston case pieces known to have been transported by loyalists to Canada. Taken on its owner's initial voyage or subsequently retrieved or shipped, each item required substantial efforts to ensure its safe arrival; that such exertions were taken suggests the high value, monetary or personal, their owners placed upon these specific objects. Besides the Bliss family chest-on-chest, two bombe desk-and-bookcases attributed to Gibbs Atkins accompanied their owners to Halifax, Nova Scotia during the War. One was owned by Atkins himself and the other, discussed above, was owned by Atkins' brother-in-law, Captain Martin Gay (1726-1809); both are illustrated in Gilbert T. Vincent, "Boston Bombe Furniture," in Brock Jobe, ed., Boston Furniturre of the Eighteenth Century (Boston, 1972), pp.185, 187, figs. 130, 131. Interestingly, these desk-and-bookcases share construction features with the George Bright desk-and-bookcase (Vincent, p.186, fn.26) and, with the affinity between the Bright desk and Bliss family chest discussed above, may indicate a pattern of loyalist patronage in pre-Revolutionary Boston.
Classmates at Harvard, Bliss and Blowers remained good friends throughout their lives, which took remarkably similar courses. After graduating in 1763, both pursued the legal profession in the office of Governor Thomas Hutchinson until their loyalist sympathies led them to travel together to London in November, 1774. Each received pensions from the British Government to compensate for losses incurred by their beliefs and enjoyed active social lives in London and occasional trips to the continent. Both were founding members of the New England Club, a weekly dining club comprising likeminded merchants, lawyers, and clergymen from Massachusetts that included Hutchinson and John Singleton Copley. At the end of the War, Bliss was appointed Attorney General in the newly-created province of New Brunswick and Blowers was appointed to the same position in Nova Scotia. In 1809 and 1799 respectively, they both advanced to the position of Chief Justice in each province.
A well-educated, ardent loyalist, Jonathan Bliss had a predilection for humour and sophisticated society. He entered Harvard with the class of 1762 but, due to cursing, missing examinations, and visiting on the Sabbath, was expelled and only later re-admitted as part of the class of 1763 (Harvard University Archives II, pp.174-175). His loyalty to the British Crown was unwavering. As early as 1775, he attacked the "rebels" for their "Infatuation, Deluson, and Cowardace" and incorrectly predicted that the British forces would meet no resistance (Butterfield, Adams Family Correspondence I (Cambridge, 1963), p.234). Almost fifteen years later, he composed a witty and comical satire entitled, "Patriotism: A Masque" in which he metaphorically exalted William Pitt and his leadership of England (Jonathan Bliss, "Patriotism: A Masque," Public Archives of Nova Scotia). His attachment to England did not bode well for a happy life in the colonial outpost of Saint John, New Brunswick (fig. 6). There, in addition to serving as Attorney General, he practiced as a lawyer. One of his clients and friends was Benedict Arnold, the famous "traitor" of the American Revolution. Arnold lived in Saint John from 1786 to 1792 and after his removal to England, retained Bliss as his lawyer. They maintained an active correspondence in which each frequently disparaged New Brunswick life. In particular, Bliss refered to England as "the best of all possible Countries for the Residence of man, in the best of all possible conditions, that of a British Subject" and added, "I lived too long in that Country to hope to be content in this wretched corner of his Majesty's Dominions" (Letter, Bliss to Benedict Arrnold, January 22, 1796, Public Archives of New Brunswick). Although unwillingly situated in New Brunswick, Bliss managed to visit New England after the War. In 1790, he returned to his birthplace, Springfield, Massachusetts, to collect his library and marry Mary Worthington (1760-1799). Mary Bliss traveled back to Springfield and Boston in 1792 as did Jonathan again in 1795. The chest-on-chest could have accompanied either on their return voyages.
Though a loyalist, Blowers appears to have been less enthralled with England and its society. After arriving in London, he soon set out for New York and Rhode Island with the hopes of contributing to the British efforts. His venture was ill-fated and, upon visiting Boston, was thrown in jail (Letter, Blowers to Bliss, November 24, 1778, Public Record Office, London, ref. AO 13/43). Far from missing the fashionable society of England, Blowers wrote from Halifax, "I think it much against a residence in the British Colonies that high Rank and Titles swarm so much in England that it has become necessary to spread them over the Dominions abroad" (Letter, Blowers to Bliss, January 21, 1795, Public Archives of New Brunswick, microfilm F9751). Before the Revolution, Blowers owned considerable property in Boston, Plymouth, and Newport amounting to over L5,000 with an additional L2,000 in slaves and household furnishings. Though his estates were temporarily confiscated, he was able to regain ownership ("Memorial of Sampson Salter Blowers," November 30, 1785, Public Record Office, London, ref. AO 12/10); it is possible the chest-on-chest was amongst these possessions. Relatives of his wife, Sarah Kent, visited the Blowers in Halifax and could have carried the chest to Canada on one of their trips.
Both Jonathan Bliss and S.S. Blowers left property to William Blowers Bliss (1795-1874), the second but first-documented owner of this chest-on-chest (Jonathan Bliss, Will, Public Archives of New Brunswick and S. S. Blowers, Will, Public Archives of Nova Scotia, microfilm 19397). William Blowers Bliss was the third son of Jonathan and, after his mother died in 1799, was adopted by his namesake, S. S. Blowers. This event must have greatly pleased Blowers who several years earlier had lamented to Bliss on his lack of offspring: "I have been for these twenty years wishing for Children, but finding it in vain, I have reconciled myself to the disappoinment...Yet I rejoice exceedingly in the Joy which yours afford to you and Mrs. Bliss" (Letter, Blowers to Bliss, January 21, 1795, Public Archives of New Brunswick, microfilm F9751). In Halifax, William Blowers Bliss married another adopted child of the Blowers, Sarah Ann Anderson, and followed in both of his natural and adopted fathers' professional footsteps. After training for the bar in London, he returned to Nova Scotia where he was a member of the Supreme Court of Nova Scotia until his retirement in 1869. His son, the Reverend William Blowers Bliss (1827-1915) owned the fly-fishing wallet found in the upper drawer of the chest (fig. 8). Inscribed, "W.B. Bliss 1885," the wallet contains references to salmon and trout caught in the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Dated 1822, a letter from a Frederick Cortez to a Mr. Bridges recommending Henry Bliss, the fourth son of Jonathan Bliss, as a suitable tenant for lodgings in London was found inside the wallet in the twentieth century (fig. 7).
An eye-catching focal point, the carved and water-gilt eagle finial enhances the chest's already successful design. Its production required the work of a specialist craftsman especially commissioned by the master cabinetmaker (Luke Beckerdite, "Carving Practices in Eighteenth-Century Boston," Old-Time New England, vol. 72, 1987, pp. 135, 138; Mary Ellen Hayward Yehia, "Ornamental Carving on Boston Furniture of the Chippendale Style," in Broke Jobe, ed., Boston Furniture of the Eighteenth Century (Boston, 1972), p.199). Compared to plain, lathe-turned finials, the additional labor involved in the hand carving and gilding of the eagle translated into additional cost for the customer.
With an almost identical wing profile and its particular delineation of feathers, the water-gilt eagle illustrated in figure 3 can be attributed to the same carver. The finial surmounts a bombe desk-and-bookcase signed by George Bright and illustrated in Richard Randall, Jr., American Furniture (Boston, 1965), pp.89-91, fig. 64. George Bright (1726-1805) was one of Boston's most prominent cabinetmakers of the second half of the eighteenth century. Known as "the neatest workman in town," he prospered despite the depression during and following the Revolutionary War and his inventory listed a shop and house valued together at $4,900 (Randall, Jr., p.90; Mabel M. Swan, "Boston's Carvers and Joiners: Part II. Post-Revolutionary," Antiques (April, 1948), p.281). In all likelihood, the carving was not executed by the Bright shop, but commissioned on a piecework basis to one of the at least fifteen full-time carvers working in Boston at the time, possibly to a member of the well-known Skillin family; Bright was friends with Simeon Skillin, Sr. and was listed as one of the creditors of John Skillin's estate (Swan, p.281). A third eagle finial also appears to be the work of the same hand; it surmounts a desk-and-bookcase attributed to Gibbs Atkins (1739-1806) and is illustrated in Monique B. Lehner and Minxie J. Fannin, "History in towns, Hingham, Massachusetts," Antiques (October 1989), p.819. Two other related finials indicate the work of a different carver but, with head profiles similar to those on the Bliss family and George Bright examples, a common design source; one (fig.5) surmounts a blockfront desk-and-bookcase illustrated in Randall, Jr., pp.86-89, cat. 63 and the other (fig.4) surmounts a straight-front desk-and-bookcase illustrated in Brock Jobe and Myrna Kaye, American Furniture: The Colonial Era (Boston, 1984), pp.246-250, cat.51.
"I hoped in a land of liberty I should not be condemn'd for opinions only"
-S. S. Blowers to Jonathan Bliss, November 24th 1778 (Letter, Public Record Office, London, ref. AO 13/43)
The above quote was written by the loyalist Sampson Salter Blowers (1742-1842) to his likeminded and good friend, Jonathan Bliss (1742-1822) during their exile in England. Either first owned by Bliss or Blowers, this chest-on-chest illustrates the societal upheaval faced by sympathizers to the Crown during the Revolutionary War. Loyalists frequently hailed from colonial America's social and economic elite and in Massachusetts included prominent leaders of the mercantile, legal and clerical professions. As political tensions intensified, however, their stature offered little protection from persecution and many chose to abandon their estates and risk treacherous voyages to eastern Canada and England. Often crammed into ships manned by the British troops or left to their own devices, few had the opportunity to carry much more than their family silver. Thus, their departure entailed the abandonment of extensive land holdings, houses, and household furnishing, much of which was later seized and redistributed by committees authorized by the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts (Mabel M. Swan, "Furniture of the Boston Tories," Antiques (March, 1942), p.186).
This chest-on-chest is one of three Boston case pieces known to have been transported by loyalists to Canada. Taken on its owner's initial voyage or subsequently retrieved or shipped, each item required substantial efforts to ensure its safe arrival; that such exertions were taken suggests the high value, monetary or personal, their owners placed upon these specific objects. Besides the Bliss family chest-on-chest, two bombe desk-and-bookcases attributed to Gibbs Atkins accompanied their owners to Halifax, Nova Scotia during the War. One was owned by Atkins himself and the other, discussed above, was owned by Atkins' brother-in-law, Captain Martin Gay (1726-1809); both are illustrated in Gilbert T. Vincent, "Boston Bombe Furniture," in Brock Jobe, ed., Boston Furniturre of the Eighteenth Century (Boston, 1972), pp.185, 187, figs. 130, 131. Interestingly, these desk-and-bookcases share construction features with the George Bright desk-and-bookcase (Vincent, p.186, fn.26) and, with the affinity between the Bright desk and Bliss family chest discussed above, may indicate a pattern of loyalist patronage in pre-Revolutionary Boston.
Classmates at Harvard, Bliss and Blowers remained good friends throughout their lives, which took remarkably similar courses. After graduating in 1763, both pursued the legal profession in the office of Governor Thomas Hutchinson until their loyalist sympathies led them to travel together to London in November, 1774. Each received pensions from the British Government to compensate for losses incurred by their beliefs and enjoyed active social lives in London and occasional trips to the continent. Both were founding members of the New England Club, a weekly dining club comprising likeminded merchants, lawyers, and clergymen from Massachusetts that included Hutchinson and John Singleton Copley. At the end of the War, Bliss was appointed Attorney General in the newly-created province of New Brunswick and Blowers was appointed to the same position in Nova Scotia. In 1809 and 1799 respectively, they both advanced to the position of Chief Justice in each province.
A well-educated, ardent loyalist, Jonathan Bliss had a predilection for humour and sophisticated society. He entered Harvard with the class of 1762 but, due to cursing, missing examinations, and visiting on the Sabbath, was expelled and only later re-admitted as part of the class of 1763 (Harvard University Archives II, pp.174-175). His loyalty to the British Crown was unwavering. As early as 1775, he attacked the "rebels" for their "Infatuation, Deluson, and Cowardace" and incorrectly predicted that the British forces would meet no resistance (Butterfield, Adams Family Correspondence I (Cambridge, 1963), p.234). Almost fifteen years later, he composed a witty and comical satire entitled, "Patriotism: A Masque" in which he metaphorically exalted William Pitt and his leadership of England (Jonathan Bliss, "Patriotism: A Masque," Public Archives of Nova Scotia). His attachment to England did not bode well for a happy life in the colonial outpost of Saint John, New Brunswick (fig. 6). There, in addition to serving as Attorney General, he practiced as a lawyer. One of his clients and friends was Benedict Arnold, the famous "traitor" of the American Revolution. Arnold lived in Saint John from 1786 to 1792 and after his removal to England, retained Bliss as his lawyer. They maintained an active correspondence in which each frequently disparaged New Brunswick life. In particular, Bliss refered to England as "the best of all possible Countries for the Residence of man, in the best of all possible conditions, that of a British Subject" and added, "I lived too long in that Country to hope to be content in this wretched corner of his Majesty's Dominions" (Letter, Bliss to Benedict Arrnold, January 22, 1796, Public Archives of New Brunswick). Although unwillingly situated in New Brunswick, Bliss managed to visit New England after the War. In 1790, he returned to his birthplace, Springfield, Massachusetts, to collect his library and marry Mary Worthington (1760-1799). Mary Bliss traveled back to Springfield and Boston in 1792 as did Jonathan again in 1795. The chest-on-chest could have accompanied either on their return voyages.
Though a loyalist, Blowers appears to have been less enthralled with England and its society. After arriving in London, he soon set out for New York and Rhode Island with the hopes of contributing to the British efforts. His venture was ill-fated and, upon visiting Boston, was thrown in jail (Letter, Blowers to Bliss, November 24, 1778, Public Record Office, London, ref. AO 13/43). Far from missing the fashionable society of England, Blowers wrote from Halifax, "I think it much against a residence in the British Colonies that high Rank and Titles swarm so much in England that it has become necessary to spread them over the Dominions abroad" (Letter, Blowers to Bliss, January 21, 1795, Public Archives of New Brunswick, microfilm F9751). Before the Revolution, Blowers owned considerable property in Boston, Plymouth, and Newport amounting to over L5,000 with an additional L2,000 in slaves and household furnishings. Though his estates were temporarily confiscated, he was able to regain ownership ("Memorial of Sampson Salter Blowers," November 30, 1785, Public Record Office, London, ref. AO 12/10); it is possible the chest-on-chest was amongst these possessions. Relatives of his wife, Sarah Kent, visited the Blowers in Halifax and could have carried the chest to Canada on one of their trips.
Both Jonathan Bliss and S.S. Blowers left property to William Blowers Bliss (1795-1874), the second but first-documented owner of this chest-on-chest (Jonathan Bliss, Will, Public Archives of New Brunswick and S. S. Blowers, Will, Public Archives of Nova Scotia, microfilm 19397). William Blowers Bliss was the third son of Jonathan and, after his mother died in 1799, was adopted by his namesake, S. S. Blowers. This event must have greatly pleased Blowers who several years earlier had lamented to Bliss on his lack of offspring: "I have been for these twenty years wishing for Children, but finding it in vain, I have reconciled myself to the disappoinment...Yet I rejoice exceedingly in the Joy which yours afford to you and Mrs. Bliss" (Letter, Blowers to Bliss, January 21, 1795, Public Archives of New Brunswick, microfilm F9751). In Halifax, William Blowers Bliss married another adopted child of the Blowers, Sarah Ann Anderson, and followed in both of his natural and adopted fathers' professional footsteps. After training for the bar in London, he returned to Nova Scotia where he was a member of the Supreme Court of Nova Scotia until his retirement in 1869. His son, the Reverend William Blowers Bliss (1827-1915) owned the fly-fishing wallet found in the upper drawer of the chest (fig. 8). Inscribed, "W.B. Bliss 1885," the wallet contains references to salmon and trout caught in the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Dated 1822, a letter from a Frederick Cortez to a Mr. Bridges recommending Henry Bliss, the fourth son of Jonathan Bliss, as a suitable tenant for lodgings in London was found inside the wallet in the twentieth century (fig. 7).