Details
MONROE, JAMES, President. Autograph letter signed ("James Monroe") as President, TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, Washington, 19 April 1821. 3 pages, 4to, two-line docket in Jefferson's hand on verso of second leaf, fold weak, small chip at corner.
MONROE TO JEFFERSON ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
An important letter in which Monroe, writing to the retired minister to France and President, sizes up turbulent European affairs, discusses trade negotiations with France, and mentions the plans for the University of Virginia. In 1820, separate military rebellions erupted in Spain and in Naples against the reactionary post-Napoleonic regimes. Following so quickly upon the Spanish uprising (from which ensued three years of virtual anarchy before the restoration of the monarchy), the Neapolitan revolt seriously alarmed the "Holy Alliance" of the European powers, resulting in the Protocol of Troppau, affirming the alliance's right to intervene and crush dangerous internal revolutions. The Protocol, issued in November 1820, was quickly applied, when its signers authorized Austria to invade the Naples in March 1821. The Neopolitan rebel army under General Pepe was defeated at Rieti on March 7th, and on the 23rd the Austrian army entered Naples and restored the monarchy. At the time of this letter Monroe - who with his fellow Americans hoped for a spread of the rebellion to the invading Austrian soldiery - had not yet received this news, and his speculations concerning the outcome of the Austrian advance provide a fascinating glimpse of an historical crossroads, when a widespread European counter-reaction, with all its consequences for subsequent history, was a very real possibility.
"Dear Sir, My absence from this city on a visit to my farm in Loudoun prevented an earlier attention to your letter of the 8th, respecting the fund appropriated by the Genl. Assembly [of Virginia] at its last session, for the use of the University [of Virginia], expected to be deriv'd from the settlement of the claims of the State, on the general government...
"From Naples we have no recent intelligence. A strong hope is entertained, that the armies put against her, will rally under her standard. Spain has written a circular to her ministers with foreign govts., protesting against the doctrines contained in that from Troppau, in which she appears to make common cause with Naples. England would probably take the other side, if the paralizing effect, produced by the contest with the French, did not make it too hazardous en enterprise for the govt. to undertake. The reigning family in France finds itself in the same state, arising from causes less equivocal. Knowing that it does not possess the confidence of the nation, it will attempt nothing bold, externally and internally, it pursues a course which daily weakens its real power, & hastens, according to my view of the subject, a crisis, which promises to be more fatal to it, than the late one. The liberties of Europe depend, at this moment, on very nice contingencies. The people generally seem to be ripe for revolt, & to have acquired, in many parts, sufficient intelligence for self government. Should the attack on Naples succeed, it may put back a change for many years. But should it fail, whether by the repulse of the Austrian force, or its association with the Neapolitan, & especially the latter, I should not be surprised to see the revolution extend to other countries, and at length become general.
"A negotiation is depending with the minister of France here, for the regulation of our commerce with her European dominions, but there is no probability of a treaty being form'd, other than for the moment, & merely by way of experiment, for each party to see its effect, & no certainty, even of that. The French govt. rejects the principle of equality in tonage duties, & will not give up the monopoly of the article of tob[acc]o, and is not accomodating on other points. It insists on a reduction of our duties on French silks, wines, & brandies, so as to give a preference to those articles from France, over like articles from other countries, while it is willing to place our produce, only on the footing of that of other countries, retaining to itself the right of imposing on each article, whatever duty it may deem expedient.
"Respecting the fund for the University, I will write you again, as soon as it assumes a shape, to meet your object, to which I shall give all the aid in my power. In the mean time, I wish no answer, to this or any other letter of mine, seizing as I shall do with pleasure every opportunity which may offer, in which I may be useful or otherwise promote your views, and communicating occasionally such information respecting our affiars as may be interesting to you, without imposing the slightest tax on the tranquility of your retirement in return."
MONROE TO JEFFERSON ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
An important letter in which Monroe, writing to the retired minister to France and President, sizes up turbulent European affairs, discusses trade negotiations with France, and mentions the plans for the University of Virginia. In 1820, separate military rebellions erupted in Spain and in Naples against the reactionary post-Napoleonic regimes. Following so quickly upon the Spanish uprising (from which ensued three years of virtual anarchy before the restoration of the monarchy), the Neapolitan revolt seriously alarmed the "Holy Alliance" of the European powers, resulting in the Protocol of Troppau, affirming the alliance's right to intervene and crush dangerous internal revolutions. The Protocol, issued in November 1820, was quickly applied, when its signers authorized Austria to invade the Naples in March 1821. The Neopolitan rebel army under General Pepe was defeated at Rieti on March 7th, and on the 23rd the Austrian army entered Naples and restored the monarchy. At the time of this letter Monroe - who with his fellow Americans hoped for a spread of the rebellion to the invading Austrian soldiery - had not yet received this news, and his speculations concerning the outcome of the Austrian advance provide a fascinating glimpse of an historical crossroads, when a widespread European counter-reaction, with all its consequences for subsequent history, was a very real possibility.
"Dear Sir, My absence from this city on a visit to my farm in Loudoun prevented an earlier attention to your letter of the 8th, respecting the fund appropriated by the Genl. Assembly [of Virginia] at its last session, for the use of the University [of Virginia], expected to be deriv'd from the settlement of the claims of the State, on the general government...
"From Naples we have no recent intelligence. A strong hope is entertained, that the armies put against her, will rally under her standard. Spain has written a circular to her ministers with foreign govts., protesting against the doctrines contained in that from Troppau, in which she appears to make common cause with Naples. England would probably take the other side, if the paralizing effect, produced by the contest with the French, did not make it too hazardous en enterprise for the govt. to undertake. The reigning family in France finds itself in the same state, arising from causes less equivocal. Knowing that it does not possess the confidence of the nation, it will attempt nothing bold, externally and internally, it pursues a course which daily weakens its real power, & hastens, according to my view of the subject, a crisis, which promises to be more fatal to it, than the late one. The liberties of Europe depend, at this moment, on very nice contingencies. The people generally seem to be ripe for revolt, & to have acquired, in many parts, sufficient intelligence for self government. Should the attack on Naples succeed, it may put back a change for many years. But should it fail, whether by the repulse of the Austrian force, or its association with the Neapolitan, & especially the latter, I should not be surprised to see the revolution extend to other countries, and at length become general.
"A negotiation is depending with the minister of France here, for the regulation of our commerce with her European dominions, but there is no probability of a treaty being form'd, other than for the moment, & merely by way of experiment, for each party to see its effect, & no certainty, even of that. The French govt. rejects the principle of equality in tonage duties, & will not give up the monopoly of the article of tob[acc]o, and is not accomodating on other points. It insists on a reduction of our duties on French silks, wines, & brandies, so as to give a preference to those articles from France, over like articles from other countries, while it is willing to place our produce, only on the footing of that of other countries, retaining to itself the right of imposing on each article, whatever duty it may deem expedient.
"Respecting the fund for the University, I will write you again, as soon as it assumes a shape, to meet your object, to which I shall give all the aid in my power. In the mean time, I wish no answer, to this or any other letter of mine, seizing as I shall do with pleasure every opportunity which may offer, in which I may be useful or otherwise promote your views, and communicating occasionally such information respecting our affiars as may be interesting to you, without imposing the slightest tax on the tranquility of your retirement in return."