Lot Essay
As with the dagger and the flywhisk, the present huqqa was very much an item which conveyed the important rank of the owner. Smoking had been introduced by the Europeans to the court of Akbar (Qaisar, Ahsan Jan: The Indian Response to European Technology and Culture AD 1498-1707, New Delhi, 1982, p.77) and by the end of the seventeenth century was ubiquitous in the regional courts of India. As early as 1651 Muhammad 'Adil Shah of Bijapur is depicted with a prominent huqqa (Zebrowski, Mark: Deccani Painting, London, 1983, fig.95, p.127). By the time Muhammad Shah was on the Imperial Mughal throne in the 1720s and 1730s, he is depicted with a huqqa on most occasions. Riding was no impediment; on an elephant he has his mahout hold the bowl in his spare hand, while on a horse he has a servant (huqqa burdar) walking beside with it (McInerney, Terence: 'Mughal Painting during the reign of Muhammad Shah', After the Great Moghuls, Marg vol.3, no.4, June 2002, pls.11 and 16).
The social importance of the huqqa is demonstrated by its increasing prominence in paintings. In many instances from various courts across northern India the depiction of the huqqa serves as a visual counterbalance to the figure of the ruler. The huqqa is centre stage while the ruler is offset to one side. A particularly strong example of this is in a depiction of Raja Govardhan Chand of Guler listening to musicians while the huqqa is almost completely isolated in the white ground in the centre of the figures in the composition (Archer, W.G.: Indian Paintings from the Punjab Hills, London, New York and Delhi, 1973, vol.II, p.102, pl.15).
Europeans of the period adopted the same accoutrements as their Indian counterparts. Famous images of the third quarter of the seventeenth century depict William Fullarton, John Wombwell and Colonel Polier each sitting smoking their huqqa, the first two also with flywhisk bearers in attendance (Losty, J.P.: 'Towards a New Naturalism, Potraiture in Murshidabad and Avadh 1750-80', in Schmidt, Barbara (ed.): After the Great Mughals, Delhi, 2002, pls. 3, 16 and 17). It is entirely in keeping with the fashion of the time that Robert Clive had a huqqa. Indeed, the inventory of the items brought back to England in 1766 notes not one but four, together with, on another sheet, "1 Box Containing Hookas". The 1774 inventory, in addition to the fine jewelled examples notes a further "11 Hooker bottoms". A further jewelled example in addition to this one, together with parts of a third, remain in the collection (Treasures from India, op.cit, no.90, p.76, pl.p.63).
The colour of the enamels used, particularly on the underside, are typical of those thought to have been produced at Lucknow. The other huqqa brought back from India by Lord Clive and now at Powis Castle has the same combination of colours. There appear however to have been two different groups of enamelled wares using this colouration. One is worked with very finely engraved figural scenes which are enamelled against a plain silver or silver-gilt ground (Zebrowski, Mark: Gold Silver and Bronze from Mughal India, London, 1997, pl.71, p.85, for example). The other group, of which this is a good example, uses far bolder designs and ensures the entire surface is covered with enamel. Whether these are the products of two different centres or just two or more workshops within Lucknow has not been determined.
The social importance of the huqqa is demonstrated by its increasing prominence in paintings. In many instances from various courts across northern India the depiction of the huqqa serves as a visual counterbalance to the figure of the ruler. The huqqa is centre stage while the ruler is offset to one side. A particularly strong example of this is in a depiction of Raja Govardhan Chand of Guler listening to musicians while the huqqa is almost completely isolated in the white ground in the centre of the figures in the composition (Archer, W.G.: Indian Paintings from the Punjab Hills, London, New York and Delhi, 1973, vol.II, p.102, pl.15).
Europeans of the period adopted the same accoutrements as their Indian counterparts. Famous images of the third quarter of the seventeenth century depict William Fullarton, John Wombwell and Colonel Polier each sitting smoking their huqqa, the first two also with flywhisk bearers in attendance (Losty, J.P.: 'Towards a New Naturalism, Potraiture in Murshidabad and Avadh 1750-80', in Schmidt, Barbara (ed.): After the Great Mughals, Delhi, 2002, pls. 3, 16 and 17). It is entirely in keeping with the fashion of the time that Robert Clive had a huqqa. Indeed, the inventory of the items brought back to England in 1766 notes not one but four, together with, on another sheet, "1 Box Containing Hookas". The 1774 inventory, in addition to the fine jewelled examples notes a further "11 Hooker bottoms". A further jewelled example in addition to this one, together with parts of a third, remain in the collection (Treasures from India, op.cit, no.90, p.76, pl.p.63).
The colour of the enamels used, particularly on the underside, are typical of those thought to have been produced at Lucknow. The other huqqa brought back from India by Lord Clive and now at Powis Castle has the same combination of colours. There appear however to have been two different groups of enamelled wares using this colouration. One is worked with very finely engraved figural scenes which are enamelled against a plain silver or silver-gilt ground (Zebrowski, Mark: Gold Silver and Bronze from Mughal India, London, 1997, pl.71, p.85, for example). The other group, of which this is a good example, uses far bolder designs and ensures the entire surface is covered with enamel. Whether these are the products of two different centres or just two or more workshops within Lucknow has not been determined.