ANOTHER PROPERTY
GERRY Elbridge (1744-1814), Signer (Massachusetts). Autograph draft letter TO ABIGAIL ADAMS, Cambridge, 28 December 1796. 2 pages, 4to, evidence of mounting along edge of verso.
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GERRY Elbridge (1744-1814), Signer (Massachusetts). Autograph draft letter TO ABIGAIL ADAMS, Cambridge, 28 December 1796. 2 pages, 4to, evidence of mounting along edge of verso.
"THE ELECTION OF OUR FRIEND IS NO LONGER DOUBTFUL...IF MR. JEFFERSON SHOULD BE ELECTED VICE PRESIDENT...A COALITION OF PARTIES WILL TAKE PLACE"
GERRY DESCRIBES THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE MACHINATIONS BEHIND JOHN ADAMS'S 1796 PRESIDENTIAL VICTORY, and his own efforts to fend off a Pinckney insurgence. "The election of our friend I hope is sure. The only adverse chance is that which favors Mr. [Thomas] Pinckney & if he has the S. C. vote, I think he will be elected, there being every reason to suppose that the other four southern & western states will give him their support. I was more apprehensive of danger from this quarter than from any other, & before we proceeded to vote, the matter was fully discussed, so that if by her own votes, Massachusetts should bring into the chair a South Carolinian, of respectable character, it is true, but with little or no experience in the domestic politics of the Union, & exclude a citizen of her own whose experience, station & qualifications in general give him the highest pretensions to the office, she will have acted with her eyes open & must blame herself for her impolicy."
The Federalists wanted Adams to win the top spot with Thomas Pinckney serving as his Vice-president, which meant that electors had to distribute their votes between their two intended candidates. But Gerry was suspicious at how many Massachusetts electors wanted to tip towards Pinckney (13 as opposed to 16 for Adams). He tells Mrs. Adams that he later learned of a plan hatched in New York, "to bring on Mr. Pinckney & that it was confidentially extended thru the continent." He wishes he had received this intelligence when the Massachusetts electors were in session, as "I could have enforced the arguments for reducing the votes of Mr. P. & have explained the motives of some of the electors who were for giving him a full vote..." In an addendum on the 29th, Gerry writes, "Seeing the votes of N. C. think the election of our friend is no longer doubtful & heartily congratulate you on the event." With Jefferson's election to the Vice-presidency Gerry hopes "that a coalition of parties will take place, or at least that their virulence will be abated, for it has not in my mind a pleasing aspect."
His hopes proved unavailing. Relations between Adams and Jefferson completely broke down by 1800. And in that year's contest, Aaron Burr was nearly able to pull off what Pinckney partisans had evidently tried to do here in 1796: boost the intended vice-presidnetial choice over the man at the top of the ticket. The Twelfth Amendment put an end to this dangerous instability in the electoral process.
"THE ELECTION OF OUR FRIEND IS NO LONGER DOUBTFUL...IF MR. JEFFERSON SHOULD BE ELECTED VICE PRESIDENT...A COALITION OF PARTIES WILL TAKE PLACE"
GERRY DESCRIBES THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE MACHINATIONS BEHIND JOHN ADAMS'S 1796 PRESIDENTIAL VICTORY, and his own efforts to fend off a Pinckney insurgence. "The election of our friend I hope is sure. The only adverse chance is that which favors Mr. [Thomas] Pinckney & if he has the S. C. vote, I think he will be elected, there being every reason to suppose that the other four southern & western states will give him their support. I was more apprehensive of danger from this quarter than from any other, & before we proceeded to vote, the matter was fully discussed, so that if by her own votes, Massachusetts should bring into the chair a South Carolinian, of respectable character, it is true, but with little or no experience in the domestic politics of the Union, & exclude a citizen of her own whose experience, station & qualifications in general give him the highest pretensions to the office, she will have acted with her eyes open & must blame herself for her impolicy."
The Federalists wanted Adams to win the top spot with Thomas Pinckney serving as his Vice-president, which meant that electors had to distribute their votes between their two intended candidates. But Gerry was suspicious at how many Massachusetts electors wanted to tip towards Pinckney (13 as opposed to 16 for Adams). He tells Mrs. Adams that he later learned of a plan hatched in New York, "to bring on Mr. Pinckney & that it was confidentially extended thru the continent." He wishes he had received this intelligence when the Massachusetts electors were in session, as "I could have enforced the arguments for reducing the votes of Mr. P. & have explained the motives of some of the electors who were for giving him a full vote..." In an addendum on the 29th, Gerry writes, "Seeing the votes of N. C. think the election of our friend is no longer doubtful & heartily congratulate you on the event." With Jefferson's election to the Vice-presidency Gerry hopes "that a coalition of parties will take place, or at least that their virulence will be abated, for it has not in my mind a pleasing aspect."
His hopes proved unavailing. Relations between Adams and Jefferson completely broke down by 1800. And in that year's contest, Aaron Burr was nearly able to pull off what Pinckney partisans had evidently tried to do here in 1796: boost the intended vice-presidnetial choice over the man at the top of the ticket. The Twelfth Amendment put an end to this dangerous instability in the electoral process.