拍品 3201
3201
A RARE GE-TYPE GLAZED MALLET-FORM VASE
A RARE GE-TYPE GLAZED MALLET-FORM VASE
A RARE GE-TYPE GLAZED MALLET-FORM VASE
2 更多
Some Influences on Imperial Porcelain Rosemary Scott - International Academic Director, Asian Art The porcelains made for the Chinese Imperial court during the Ming and Qing dynasties have been prized by connoisseurs for centuries for their high level of artistry and the diversity of their forms and decoration. Research on the pieces in the current sale has stimulated consideration of various influences which shaped that diversity, especially in glazes and decoration. Some of these influences can be seen at work during the apogees of both Ming and Qing dynasties, others were specific to certain periods, and in some cases to the reigns of individual emperors. The admiration of imperial white-glazed porcelains reached a peak in the reign of the Ming dynasty Yongle Emperor (1403-24), when his admiration for white may have inspired the tianbai or 'sweet white' glaze, seen on the pear-shaped vase in the current sale (lot 3211). More than 90 percent of the porcelains excavated from the Yongle strata at the site of the imperial kilns are white wares, and most have the specific type of white glaze known as tianbai or 'sweet white', which appears to have been developed during the Yongle reign. This glaze was made almost entirely from glaze stone with little or no glaze ash. The glaze was lower in calcium oxide than previous white glazes, and higher in potassium oxide. The body of tianbai wares had a higher proportion of aluminium oxide than previous wares and required a higher firing temperature. The result was a whiter body covered with a whiter glaze than had previously been achieved, while the glaze had a silky, unctuous texture. White was a colour linked to Buddhism and specific rituals. Tibetan Buddhism was important to the Yongle emperor for diplomatic reasons, and also for personal devotion. He was an adherent of Lamaism before he ascended the throne, and as emperor his support for Buddhism was evident, for example, in the number of Buddhist texts which were produced under his auspices. Yongle invited important Tibetan hierarch to come to his capital and ordered large quantities of sacrificial vessels to be made at the imperial kilns for the ceremonies conducted by them, particularly those undertaken by Halima in honour of the emperor's deceased parents in 1407. The high proportion of white porcelain found in the Yongle strata was also probably a response to the emperor's personal fondness for white vessels. Fine white porcelain with tianbai glaze bears a notable resemblance to fine white jade and it is possible that this was the intention, since it is recorded that on one occasion the emperor returned all the elaborate and costly gifts presented to him, keeping only those made of plain white jade. However, he may even have preferred white porcelain over jade, since in the 10th month of the 4th year of his reign (AD 1406) Yongle received a tribute of jade bowls from the Muslim ruler of a Western state. The emperor commanded that the tribute should be returned together with a monetary gift, saying: 'The Chinese porcelain that I use everyday is pure and translucent, and it pleases me greatly. There is no need to use jade bowls.' There is another reason why he may have been drawn to the colour white. In 1382 Zhu Di, who would later become the Yongle Emperor, met a Buddhist monk called Dao Yan (Dl) who had arrived in Beiping to become abbot of the Qingshou (Celebrating Longevity) monastery. During a discussion Dao Yan predicted that Zhu Di would put a white hat on his rank. This was a play on the composition of Chinese written characters. If the character for white bai is placed on top of the character for prince wang, it forms another character, huang meaning emperor. This was therefore a prediction that Zhu Di would become emperor. It is therefore possible that as emperor Yongle retained a superstitious attachment to white. Finally it is significant that when Zhu Di, as a prince, took up his fiefdom in Beiping, he was essentially entering the old Mongol capital. Many Mongol customs were still prevalent in Beiping, and the Mongol language and script were used alongside Chinese. Zhu Di's residence was the former Mongol imperial palace with Mongol servants, and since white was an important and greatly favoured colour for the Mongols, and it is probable that Zhu Di absorbed a taste for the colour during his time there. The influence of illustrated printed books is usually identified on porcelains of the Yuan and on porcelains made for the literati in the later Ming dynasty. However, in the early Ming period certain imperial porcelains reflected an interest in illustrated books on plants. Although flowers had been a popular source of decorative motifs for centuries, the regular inclusion of fruit on the branch was a more recent phenomenon in the early Ming. Melons, grapes and gourds had been included in the landscape element designs on some large Yuan dynasty vessels, but depictions of other fruit on branch or stem were rare on pre-Ming porcelains. However in the Yongle reign both imperial blue and white porcelains, and those monochrome white wares with tianbai glaze bearing incised designs were regularly decorated with fruiting sprays, as is the case on the current pear-shaped vase. Sprays of fruit on the branch became a very popular decorative theme on both open and vertical forms among the imperial wares in both the Yongle and Xuande (1426-35) reigns. The sprays often have the feature of a naturalistic break at the end of the twig - as if each spray had been torn off the branch. This naturalistic approach was a new one on early 15th century blue and white wares, and it is probable that this and the frequent depiction of both flowers and fruit on the same branch, as well as occasionally details of plant roots, were influenced by the woodblock illustrations in materia medica - pharmaceutical literature dealing with plants for their medicinal properties. The study of plants was well enough established for specific mention to be made of foreign plants being brought into China in records dating to the Han dynasty in about 128 BC, but it was during the Song (960-1279) and Jin (1115-1234) dynasties that there was a huge increase in new and extensive publications on the subject of plants, such as the Chongxiu Zhenghe Jingshi Zhenglei Beiyong Bencao (New Revision of the Classified and Consolidated Armamentarium Pharmocopoeia of the Zhenghe Reign) by Tang Shenwei and Kou Zongshi and revised by Zhang Cunhui, published in 1249. Interest in such publications flourished once again in the Ming dynasty. As well as any botanical or medicinal interest they might have, the fruit - like the flowers - included in the designs on imperial porcelains would have been chosen with care for their significance and symbolic meaning. The fruit on the Yongle pear-shaped vase are pomegranates, and the pomegranate is one of the san duo or Three Abundances, and represents the wish for abundant progeny or many sons. The importance of iconography can also be seen on the large Wanli (1573-1619) blue and white jar (lot 3212), which bears a design of many cranes flying amongst clouds. Cranes are associated with peace and longevity, and have thus been a particularly popular motif on porcelain - especially during the 16th century. They came to prominence as a decorative motif on imperial porcelain during the reign of the Jiajing Emperor (1522-1566). The Chinese word for crane is he, which is a homophone for the word for harmony, and thus cranes also represent peace. Their long legs were described as resonating with the harmonies of nature and Heaven. Cranes are also known to live for many years and thus have become associated with long life, and indeed are often depicted as the familiars of the Star God of Longevity, Shoulao. As early as the 12th century, the Chinese Emperor Huizong (r. 1101-25) painted a flock of cranes, which were seen flying above the palace in AD 1112, in order to record such an auspicious event, and they have been a popular subject in the arts ever since. Their rise to particular prominence in the Jiajing reign was undoubtedly due to the Emperor's obsession with long life, which resulted in a plethora of symbols of longevity appearing on items made for his court. However, the long life of the emperor was always an artistic inspiration, and the depiction of cranes on imperial porcelains continued into the reigns of the Longqing Emperor (1567-72) and Wanli Emperor, and, indeed, can be seen on porcelains of the Qing dynasty. Interestingly, the technique of reserving the white motif against a blue ground was also one that was revived in the Jiajing reign and continued into the Wanli period, as can be seen on the current jar. It was an extravagant technique, since it required both more of the expensive cobalt, and also more hours of the decorator's time. The most powerful symbol of imperial majesty was the five-clawed dragon, which on the decorative arts was often complemented by the phoenix, symbol of the empress. The powerful five-clawed imperial dragon with horns was the symbol of the emperor, and appears in many forms on the Chinese decorative arts. In ceramics the dragon may be painted under or over the glaze, as on the jars decorated in iron-red enamel in the current sale ((lot 3213), incised, carved, as on the large Kangxi (1662-1722) celadon-glazed fish bowl in the current sale ((lot 3210), or carved, like the creature which writhes over the surface of the Qianlong (1736-1795) green lantern vase in the current sale ((lot 3207). The Chinese dragon, unlike his European counterpart, is a beneficent creature. He is not only the essence of the yang (positive/male) properties, but is also a bringer of rain. The dragon was supposed to rise from winter hibernation among the waves at the Spring Equinox to bring the rain necessary to water the crops, which is why he is so often depicted rising from the waves on ceramics like the green Qianlong vase. The dragon is also one of the si ling - creatures of the four quarters - the green dragon representing the east. The west is represented by the white tiger, the south by the red bird, while the symbol of the north is the so-called dark warrior - usually depicted as a tortoise and snake combined. The symbol of the empress is the phoenix, which is also a symbol of female beauty, is seen on the iron-red enamelled jars in the current sale (lot 3213). The phoenix is often shown amongst floral scrolls - frequently lotus scrolls. This combines the idea of feminine beauty, represented by the phoenix, with that of purity, which is represented by the lotus. In early times the phoenix was also associated with the red bird, which, because it represents the south, is seen as having an auspicious alignment with the sun. Interestingly, in the same way that the characters for phoenix in Chinese combine the characters for male and female phoenix (fenghuang), when two phoenixes are depicted on materials such as porcelain, they are usually shown as a male and a female, distinguished by their different tail feathers . A pair of phoenixes was also believed to symbolize happiness in marriage. One of the first glazes to receive imperial approbation in China was a celadon green glaze on Yue stonewares, which found favour with the ruling houses of the Tang dynasty (AD 618-907). The popularity of this glaze laid the foundations for the appreciation of celadon glazes in succeeding dynasties. In the 18th century the Jingdezhen imperial kilns devoted considerable research and development to the production of celadon glazes applied to a white porcelain body. Although the Longquan kilns continued to produce fine celadon-glazed wares into the Ming dynasty, and celadon-type glazes, coloured with small quantities of iron, applied to a porcelain body were produced at Jingdezhen in the early Ming period, it was the Qing dynasty potters of the Kangxi reign who perfected a particularly delicate version applied to very white body, as on the fine Kangxi celadon fish jar in the current sale ((lot 3210). The delicate celadon glaze was coloured using only about half the amount of iron found in typical Longquan celadons, and was further modified in the Yongzheng period (1723-1735) to produce an even more finely textured and slightly bluer pale celadon glaze, like that seen on the exquisite Yongzheng bowl in the current sale ((lot 3208). These celadons and the others created with minute variations in tone and texture have been much admired by Chinese connoisseurs and have been given names such as douqing (bean green) and dongqing (eastern green) in the Kangxi reign, dongqing (winter green) and fenqing (soft green) in the Yongzheng reign. In addition to the new celadon glazes, deliberate copies of Song crackled glazes were also developed at the Qing imperial kilns in response to the emperors' admiration for these early wares. The three great Qing emperors Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong were all keen antiquarians, who collected and studied material from earlier dynasties. Copies of Song dynasty crackled wares had been made at the imperial kilns of the 15th century, but the Qing examples are even more impressive in the accuracy with which they reproduce the appearance of the Song dynasty stoneware glazes on Jingdezhen white porcelain. The Yongzheng emperor is recorded to have specifically required that good copies of Song glazes be produced at Jingdezhen, and fortunately the successful copying of these Song dynasty stoneware glazes on Qing dynasty imperial porcelains was something for which the famous kiln director Tang Ying became well known. The current sale includes two vessels which demonstrate the success of the Yongzheng kilns in fulfilling the emperor's wishes - a mallet vase with Ge-type glaze (lot 3201) and a large jar with a Ru-type glaze ((lot 3204). An added spur to the production of monochrome-glazed porcelains was the fact that the Qing dynasty emperors continued the tradition, first formulated in the early Ming period, of using porcelains for imperial sacrifices and ascribing certain colours to particular altars - red for the Altar of the Sun; blue for the Altar of Heaven; yellow for the Altar of Earth; and white for the Altar of the Moon. On the 22nd day of the 2nd month of the 10th year of Yongzheng (1732), the emperor sent an order to the imperial kiln director commanding him to: 'Make a number of stem cups in each of the following colours: sacrificial red, sacrificial blue, yellow and white.' Spectacular cobalt blue monochromes were made in the Yongzheng and Qianlong reigns, as can be seen from the Yongzheng meiping ((lot 3203) and pair of Yongzheng bowls ((lot 3202) in the current sale. These glazes benefited from having the best quality cobalt, prepared to the highest standard, which enabled the potters to produce glazes of jewel-like brilliance. The main colourant in all these glazes is cobalt, but it is worth noting that cobalt ores found in different locations contained small amounts of different elements such as iron, manganese, nickel or copper, which affected the final colour of the glaze. In addition glazes where the pigments were high in alumina tended to develop cobalt aluminates in firing and produce cooler blues, while those containing more silica produced cobalt silicates which gave warmer, more purplish, blues, like that seen on the Yongzheng meiping. It was not only in monochrome wares that the imperial porcelains of the Qing dynasty reflected court interest in ceramics from earlier periods. Doucai was a decorative technique which flourished during the Chenghua (1465-1487) reign of the Ming dynasty, but which was little used thereafter, until its revival in the 18th century. In the doucai (abutted colours) technique the outlines of the design were painted in underglaze blue, and the enamel colours applied over the fired glaze within the blue outlines. It was a technique which would have been expensive, since not only did the pieces have to be fired twice - doubling the risk of losses in the kiln - but the painting of underglaze blue outlines (as opposed to whole motifs) on an unfired porous body left no room for error. Any mistakes would have resulted in the vessel being discarded. It is not surprising, therefore, that few doucai wares were produced in the later Ming dynasty reigns. However, the early Ming dynasty doucai porcelains were traditionally highly esteemed and the great Qing emperors demanded a revival of the technique. In some cases, such as the two Qianlong lidded jars in the current sale ((lot 3209) the potters kept largely to the earlier Ming dynasty style, however, in other cases they made full use of new technological developments, as can be seen in the expanded colour palette of the Qianlong basin in this sale ((lot 3214). This expanded colour palette was itself developed as a result of imperial patronage. The Kangxi emperor had a particular interest in porcelain and in enamels. He commissioned the rebuilding of the kiln complex at Jingdezhen for the production of imperial porcelain, and he also established imperial ateliers within the Imperial Palace in Beijing to work in a range of different media, including enamels. It was during his reign that the Qing dynasty enamel palette was expanded and refined. The Qing dynasty so-called famille verte palette - named by two French writers, Jacqumart and Le Blanc, in 1862, because of the dominance of green in this palette - contained primarily transparent enamel colours. In the Kangxi reign enamels in this famille verte palette were painted with great refinement, and often combined with underglaze blue using a similar decorative technique to the earlier wucai - indeed they are sometimes described as wucai. At the end of the Kangxi reign and beginning of the Yongzheng reign there were further developments in overglaze enamels, which lead to the establishment of the palette, which became known in Europe as famille rose. The enamel colour that gave the palette its name is a rose pink which was produced using colloidal gold. Two other colours were key to the painting styles which developed in this palette - these were an opaque white enamel and an opaque yellow enamel. The opaque white enamel was especially important in that it could be mixed with other colours to create pastel shades. The opaque yellow enamel was of a consistency that it could be used in small dots which stood slightly proud of the surface of a vessel, and was particularly effective for painting the anthers in the centre of blossoms. Not only were most of the enamels of the famille rose palette more opaque than their wucai equivalents, they also had the advantage to the ceramic decorator that they did not flow when fired, and could therefore be used with extreme precision. The precision allowed by the new enamels, as well as the much greater range of colours available to the decorator, enabled the Qing dynasty ceramic decorators to produce more detailed and more varied designs in the doucai technique, as displayed on the Qianlong basin. Thus it can be seen that many different influences were brought to bear on imperial porcelains, including the personal tastes of emperors; illustrations from printed books; the imperial patronage of technological development; imperial fascination with antiques; the importance of traditional iconography; and court ritual usage. These influences, and others, combined to ensure that the imperial porcelains of the Ming and Qing dynasties were as diverse and technologically refined as they were beautiful.
清雍正　　仿哥釉紙槌瓶　　六字篆書款

YONGZHENG SIX-CHARACTER SEAL MARK AND OF THE PERIOD (1723-1735)

細節
瓶直口，長頸，方肩，筒形腹，臥足。通體施灰青釉，釉面大塊深色片紋。足沿塗醬褐釉，底青花書「大清雍正年製」篆書款。

本瓶無論形制、釉色均仿宋瓷。宋代原型可參考倫敦大維德中國藝術基金會所藏宋代定窰紙槌瓶；以及臺北故宮博物院收藏南宋官窰紙槌小瓶，該瓶刻乾隆御題詩，載於1989 年台北出版《宋官窯特展》，圖版24 號。

仿哥釉器始見於明永樂、宣德窰，至雍正朝發展最成熟，唐英著《陶成紀事碑》中記載：「（俱仿內發舊器色澤）一仿鐵骨哥釉，有米色、粉青二種。」當時的仿品釉色與古器非常相近，本瓶為代表作之一。

瑞典卡爾肯普博士珍藏一件近似例子；另見二例分別於香港蘇富比拍賣，1980年11月26日，拍品368號；1985年11月20日，拍品201號。玫茵堂舊藏一相似例子，有唇口，2011年10月5日於香港蘇富比拍賣，拍品1號。另參考一件雍正仿哥釉獸面耳壺，2007 年4 月8 日於蘇富比拍賣，拍品718 號。

此器2001 年10 月17 日於紐約蘇富比拍賣，拍品162 號。
來源
The Wu Family Collection, sold at Sotheby's New York, 17 October 2001, lot 162
出版
紛源流嬗：明清御瓷的各種影響 蘇玫瑰 亞洲藝術部資深學術顧問 歷來鑑藏家推崇明清御製瓷器，在於它們工藝卓越、形制及紋飾多元化。本拍賣專集的精品就體現了珍貴御瓷的各種影響因素，尤其於釉色及紋飾方面，它們一些製於明清的盛世年間，一些屬某個時代獨有，一些因應個別皇帝的喜好而特製。明永樂朝可算是御製白瓷的全盛時期，永樂皇帝崇白的品味正好體現於一件甜白釉玉壺春瓶（拍品3211號）。在景德鎮御窰遺址永樂堆積層所出土瓷器，逾90%為白瓷，大部份更是永樂窰特製的甜白瓷。甜白釉由純釉石提煉，不含釉灰，比其他白釉含氧化鈣量較低，含氧化鉀量較高；至於胎體則含氧化鋁較高，燒成溫度亦較高。因此無論胎體或釉色均較其他白瓷潔白，釉面柔滑潤瑩。(1) 自古白色與佛教及特別祭典相關，永樂皇帝重視藏傳佛教基於外交原因及個人信仰。他身為皇子時已是虔誠的喇嘛教徒，登基後更致力推動藏傳佛教，詔令印製大量佛經。他邀請藏傳高僧到訪南京皇城，包括1407年法王哈立麻替皇考、皇妣主持祭典，並命御窰大規模燒造佛教禮器，以供高僧祭壇上使用。御窰遺址永樂堆積層所出土的大量白瓷，進一步印證出當時皇帝的崇白品味。精美的白瓷質如白玉，因此贏得他的珍賞。據載一次他曾退卻大量貴重貢物，僅留下少數素白玉器。他甚至愛白瓷多於美玉，永樂四年（1406）十月，西域回回國王向明朝進貢一批白玉盌，他命臣賜鈔遣回，並曰：「朕朝夕所用中國磁器，潔素瑩然，甚適於心，不必此也。」(2) 永樂皇帝還因另一個人理由而鍾愛白色。1382年他還是燕王朱棣時，高僧道衍成為北平慶壽寺住持，(3)一次對談時道衍預言朱棣將獲白帽子加予爵位之上，即於王字上加白成「皇」，登基為帝。永樂皇帝可能因此自覺與白色淵源深厚。當朱棣進駐北平封地時，實際就是居住於元朝舊都，當地仍奉行許多蒙古習俗，蒙文與漢文並用。(4)燕王府邸就是元朝皇城，由蒙古僕人侍奉。他應深受蒙古人尚白的遺風影響。 元代瓷器及晚明文房瓷器往往取材版畫故事，明初御瓷卻出現了植物圖作主題。雖然花卉紋作為陶瓷紋飾由來已久，果枝紋卻延至明初才風行。大型的元代山水圖瓷器常見葡萄及瓜果紋，明代以前卻甚少出現其他種類的果枝紋。永樂御製青花瓷、甜白釉刻花瓷很多以果枝紋裝飾，本玉壺春瓶就是一例。永樂、宣德年間的御瓷無論盌盤或瓶類均普遍飾果枝紋。 這類果枝紋往往在嫩枝末端寫實地折斷，尤如從樹幹掉落，這是明十五世紀初青花瓷紋飾的創新手法，連同其他如花果同枝、植物根部等紋飾，均應取材草藥典藉插圖。早於公元前128年中國的草藥典籍已記載外來植物引入漢朝，宋金時代更大量出版植物學巨著，包括1249年唐慎微及寇宗奭合撰、張存惠重編《重修政和經史證類備用本草》。至明代這些出版物再次大行其道。 御瓷的果實紋，除反映植物學及草藥學的流行外，亦與花卉紋同樣極富象徵意味。本專集永樂玉壺春瓶刻石榴紋，石榴為「三多」之一，寓多子。另一件萬曆青花罐所飾百鶴紋（拍品3212號），則代表平安長壽的祝願，亦是晚明流行的紋飾，自嘉靖朝起常獲御窰採用。鶴諧音「和」，寓意和平；鶴的腿長，象徵崇尚與自然的和諧共生；鶴更寓意長壽，在圖畫中常伴於壽老身旁。早於1112年宋徽宗看到群鶴在皇宮上方盤旋飛舞，認為是太平盛世的徵兆，即揮毫作了著名的《瑞鶴圖》。從此瑞鶴紋成為藝術的流行裝飾。至明嘉靖朝鶴紋等長壽象徵更成為宮廷裝飾藝術的主流，以迎合皇帝渴求長壽的願望。一直以來，帝皇的長生不老夢往往影響藝術的潮流取向，隨後的隆慶及萬曆御瓷亦多見鶴紋，並延續至清代瓷器。傳統的青花地留白裝飾自嘉靖窰復興，至萬曆器仍出現，本罐就是一例。青花地留白的技術所費不菲，既耗用昂貴的鈷藍料，並且工序繁縟。 五爪龍是至尊的皇權象徵，在裝飾藝術方面經常結合代表皇后的鳳凰。帶角的五爪龍威猛尊貴，代表皇帝，常以不同形式出現，裝飾手法亦各異。陶瓷上龍紋可作釉下或釉上裝飾，一對礬紅彩龍鳳紋蓋罐（拍品3213號）就是釉上彩繪例子；另一件康熙豆青釉魚缸（拍品3210號）則以刻劃花裝飾；以及乾隆蘋果綠釉燈籠尊上所刻的凸龍紋（拍品3207號）。中國人視龍為祥瑞之獸，它不但象徵陽剛，並帶來雨水。春分時節蟄龍冬眠後醒來，從海中躍起，帶來雨水滋潤大地榖物。因此瓷器上常見龍騰海水紋，例如本蘋果綠釉燈籠尊。龍亦是四靈之一，青龍代表東方，西方為白虎，南方為朱雀，北方為玄武。鳳凰代表皇后，象徵美麗，本專集的礬紅彩龍鳳紋蓋罐（拍品3213號）就是一例。鳳凰經常結合花卉紋，多為蓮花，代表高貴純潔。古時將鳳凰與朱雀並論，因它亦代表南方，常以太陽襯托。雄為鳳，雌為凰，瓷器上的鳳凰紋往往成對出現，靠尾羽的不同特徵辨別。一對鳳凰就象徵婚姻美滿。 至於清瓷的其他單色釉亦不遑多讓。清代皇帝延續了明初祭祀用瓷的古風，並遵循禮法，以紅祭日，藍祭天，黃祭地，白祭月。雍正十年（1732）二月二十二日曾諭督陶官：「可將霽紅霽青黃色白色高足靶碗每樣燒造些。」雍正及乾隆窰均成功燒造霽藍器，見一件雍正梅瓶（拍品3203號）、一對雍正合盌（拍品3202號）。清御瓷霽藍釉採用最佳的鈷藍料，以最高標準燒成，生產出藍寶石般的釉彩。霽藍釉的呈色劑為鈷，不同地區的鈷礦所含的少量其他元素各有不同，計有鐵、鎂、鎳、銅，對燒成的藍釉產生不同的影響。含高鋁量的鈷料呈現較冷的藍色；含硅量較多則呈色較暖並偏紫，本雍正霽藍釉梅瓶就是一例。 清代御瓷不單仿摹古代單色釉器，成化窰鬥彩器亦是目標之一。鬥彩裝飾自成化朝後較少見，至十八世紀才復興。作法是先於釉下青花勾出輪廓，窰燒後在釉面填色，工序昂貴，因窰燒二次，壞燒的機會倍增，而且在素胎上以青花勾勒並不容許絲毫出錯，否則成品將被廢棄。這應是導致晚明鬥彩器產量銳減的原因。然而明初鬥彩器傳統上為鑑藏家夢寐以求的珍品，亦是清代皇帝諭令恢復的工藝。本專集的一對乾隆鬥彩蓋罐（拍品3209號），風格貼近明初原型。在另一件乾隆鬥彩花卉紋大盆（拍品3214號），則可見增廣的鬥彩色系。 清代琺瑯釉色的擴充有賴皇帝對技術的大力扶植。康熙皇帝對瓷器及琺瑯釉情有獨鍾，他命修建景德鎮御窰，復燒御瓷，更在北京紫禁城內設立造辦處製造各種物料的器物，包括琺瑯釉在內。康熙年間正是琺瑯釉技術突飛猛進的時期。清代五彩（famille verte）一詞最先由法國作家Jacqumart及Le Blanc提出，因這透明色系以綠釉為主。康熙五彩的紋飾繪工精細，更常配合釉下青花，這與明代五彩手法相近，因此亦慣稱五彩。康熙晚期至雍正初年，釉上彩技術長足發展，啟發出粉彩系列的誕生，粉彩（famille rose）一詞是因系列中包括黃金提煉的粉紅釉。粉彩最主要的顏色是白、黃。白釉最重要在於混和其他釉色以產生柔和的深淺效果。黃釉凝聚力強，在器面能形成立體釉點，是描繪花蕊的最佳顏料。粉彩釉色不但比五彩亮實，窰燒時亦不易流釉，適宜作精確描繪。清代發明的釉彩有助窰匠繪出細膩的紋飾，並衍生出更多的不同顏色，本鬥彩盆可算是其中的表表者。 以上概括了御瓷燒製的各種影響因素，計有皇帝個人品味、版畫插圖主題、皇家倡導研製、帝皇慕古之情、傳統紋飾延續、宮廷禮法，加上其他因素，遂產生出各式新穎多彩的明清御瓷。 1 劉新園著「明御廠故址與永、宣官窰遺存的發現」，載於《景德鎮珠山出土永樂宣德官窯瓷器展覽》，香港，1989年，72頁。 2 同上書，73頁。 3 道衍俗名姚廣孝。 4 Shih-Shan Henry Tsai, Perpetual Happiness - The Ming Emperor Yongle, Seattle & London, 2001, p. 33.

榮譽呈獻

Ruben Lien
Ruben Lien

查閱狀況報告或聯絡我們查詢更多拍品資料

852 2760 1766

登入
瀏覽狀況報告

拍品專文

The shape of the current vase is inspired by mallet-form vases from the Song dynasty, such as a Ding example in the Percival David Foundation illustrated by S. Pierson and S.F.M. McCausland, Song Ceramics: Objects of Admiration, London, 2003, pp. 20-21, no. 1; and a Guan example in the National Palace Museum, Taipei, illustrated in Catalogue of the Special Exhibition of Sung Dynasty Kuan Ware, Taipei, 1989, p. 66, pl. 24.

A very similar Yongzheng marked example is illustrated by Bo Gyllensvard, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection, Stockholm, 1964, p. 75, no. 194, later sold at Sotheby's Paris, 12 June 2008, lot 97. Two further examples were sold at Sotheby's Hong Kong, 26 November 1980, lot 368; 20 November 1985, lot 201. A similar Yongzheng example with a lipped rim from the Meiyintang Collection was sold at Sotheby's Hong Kong, 5 October 2011, lot 1. For a Yongzheng hu-shaped example with animal masks, see the example sold at Sotheby's Hong Kong, 8 April 2007, lot 718.

Compare also to a pair of Yongzheng-marked vases of slightly different form with lipped rims and covered in a Ru-type glaze, included in the exhibition Ethereal Elegance: Porcelain Vases of the Imperial Qing, The Huaihaitang Collection, Art Museum, the Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007, p. 130, pl. 24.

更多來自 繽采御瓷：美國精粹收藏珍品

查看全部
查看全部