A RARE BLUE AND WHITE 'DOUBLE VAJRA' DISH
These lots have been imported from outside the EU … 顯示更多 A Rare ‘Double-vajra’ Dish Rosemary Scott, Senior International Academic ConsultantAlthough unmarked, it is most probable that this dish with its unctuous glaze, fine body and soft, well-painted cobalt blue decoration dates to the Chenghua reign. A somewhat simpler double-vajra and ribbon design can be seen on the interior of a blue and white dish, in the collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing, which, like the current dish, is unmarked (illustrated in Blue and White Porcelain with Underglaze Red (II), The Complete Collection of Treasures of the Palace Museum, vol. 35, Hong Kong, 2000, p. 9, no. 7). However, while the exterior of the current vessel is decorated with elegantly scrolling lotus, the Beijing dish has four kui dragons. A dish with double vajra on the interior, which is similar to the Beijing dish, was excavated at the Ming imperial kilns from the late Chenghua stratum and is illustrated in The Emperor’s broken china – Reconstructing Chenghua porcelain, London, 1995, p. 77, no. 102. Additionally, the fluttering ribbons that form part of the design on the current dish, bear a close resemblance to those on a dish decorated with lions playing with brocaded balls, which was excavated from the late Chenghua stratum at the Ming imperial kilns – illustrated in A Legacy of Chenghua: Imperial Porcelain of the Chenghua Reign Excavated from Zhushan, Jingdezhen, Hong Kong, 1993, pp. 226-7, no. C69.The double vajra motif appears to have entered the Chinese repertoire of porcelain designs with the increased popularity of Lamaism – Tibetan Buddhism - in the Yuan dynasty. As early as 1207 Ghengis Khan sent envoys to Tibet, and a system developed so that Tibet accepted Mongol protection and suzerainty while providing the Mongols with spiritual guidance. In 1239, however, a Mongol army under Koden, second son of Ogodai Khan attacked Tibet, and the Tibetans decided to negotiate. The result was that Tibet submitted to the Mongols and the latter appointed the abbot of the Sa-skya monastery to exercise political authority over the whole of Tibet. The magic of Tantric Buddhism appealed to the Mongols and when they were initiated into the practices of Lamaism they began to adopt that type of Buddhism to take the place of their own Shamanism. When he took over the great Khanate in 1260, Khublai Khan made Lamaism the national religion of the Mongols. After the Mongols established the Yuan dynasty in China in 1279, Lamaism flourished, receiving huge grants of land from the ruling house and the nobility. In 1291 some 42,318 temples are recorded and 213,418 monks and nuns. The lamas enjoyed a very special position of privilege and protection. It is not surprising, therefore, to find the influence of Lamaism on the arts of China during the Yuan dynasty. This included the translation of the Tibetan Tripitaka not only into Mongolian (in Wuzong’s reign 1308-11), but also into Chinese - and indeed into Tangut for the Xi Xia region, and examples of Tibetan Buddhist iconography appeared on objects in a variety of media made for the Yuan court. These included motifs such as the double vajra, which is seen on blue and white porcelain of the period. Significantly, one of the weiqi boxes decorated with a horned, five-clawed dragon, excavated from the Yuan stratum at the Jingdezhen kilns, has a double vajra on the top of its lid (illustrated in 景德鎮出土元明官窑瓷器 Jingdezhen chutu Yuan Ming guan yao ciqi, Beijing, 1999, p. 68, no. 2, while a double vajra can also be seen in the central medallion on the interior of a large blue and white bowl in the collection of the Idemitsu Museum, illustrated in Chinese Ceramics in the Idemitsu Collection, Tokyo, 1987, colour plate 140. The influence of Lamaism on the porcelains made for the Yuan court, came not only from the interests of the Mongols themselves, but from the Tibetan and Nepalese craftsmen who held high positions at the imperial porcelain kiln at Jingdezhen. The famous Nepalese craftsman Anige (1245-1306) was appointed head of the imperial workshops in 1278. In the Ming dynasty a number of the Chinese emperors of had a genuine interest in Lamaist Buddhism, but they also patronized Lamaism as a way of maintaining control over both the Tibetans and the Mongols, through the support of the powerful high lamas. When the first Ming emperor, Hongwu (1368-98), came to the throne he was concerned that there should be no repetition of the conflict between China and Tibet that had occurred in Tang times. He therefore sent an envoy to the Karma-pa abbots who controlled the Kham region and south-eastern Tibet asking those who had held office under the Yuan dynasty to come to Nanjing for re-investiture. The Yongle emperor (1402-24) also sent a mission to Tibet the famous hierach Halima (De-bzin-gsegs-pa 1384-1415) to come to Nanjing. Halima first sent a tribute mission and then came to the Ming court himself in the spring of 1407. The Yongle emperor also invited the hierarch of the Sa-skya-pa to the court at Nanjing in 1413 and also tried to bring the famous leader of the Yellow Sect (Tsong-kha-pa) to Nanjing in 1407. Other Tibetan leaders were also brought to the Imperial court and all were treated with great honour and showered with gifts, thus preventing any one sect from using Chinese patronage to establish political hegemony.The Yongle Emperor involved both Tibetan and Nepalese craftsmen in the building of his new palace in Beijing. He also involved them in the running of the imperial workshops, as had the previous Mongol dynasty. Their influence can clearly be seen in the works such as exquisite gilt-bronze Buddhist figures in Tibeto-Chinese style made during this reign. These pieces and those of the succeeding Xuande period (1426-35) were made with reign marks and were for ritual use by the imperial household or as gifts from the emperor to high Tibetan lamas favoured by the Chinese court. A number of these gilt bronze figures held double vajras – for example the gilt bronze Bodhisattva Vajrapani in the Rietberg Museum, Zurich (illustrated by Helmut Uhlig in On the Path to Enlightenment – The Berti Aschmann Foundation of Tibetan Art at the Museum Rietberg Zurich, Zurich, 1995, pp. 106-7, no. 59), who holds a vajra, which is his attribute, in his right hand. This figure was made in the imperial workshops in Beijing and bears a Yongle bestowal mark. A magnificent Xuande blue and white porcelain lidded jar with horizontal flanges and several Lamaist inscriptions is preserved in the collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing, and is illustrated in Blue and White Porcelain with Underglaze Red (I), The Complete Collection of Treasures of the Palace Museum, vol. 34, Hong Kong, 2000, p. 115, no. 109. In the Xuande reign the number of Tibetan lamas who came to reside in the monasteries in the capital rose to record numbers, so much so that at the beginning of the Zhengtong period (1436-49), 691 of them were sent home, and soon after that the Minister of Rites requested that a further 450 be removed, but the emperor would not allow forcible repatriation. In the reign of the Chenghua emperor (1465-87) there were 437 Tibetan monks holding high rank and 789 lamas, who could enter the court freely. In the early years of the Chenghua reign the emperor’s advisers became concerned by his preoccupation with Buddhism and the amount spent by the emperor in connection with it, that they suggested a sharp reduction in his perceived support of Buddhism. This appears to have been adopted for the middle part of his reign, but his resumption of expressed interest in Buddhism can clearly be seen through the arts produced in the latter years of the Chenghua reign. Among these the ceramics made at the imperial kiln provide a good indication of the incorporation of Buddhist motifs, including Tibetan Buddhist motifs, on porcelains made for the court. In addition to the dishes which bear double vajra motifs – such as the current dish and the others discussed above - a number of blue and white porcelains made for the Chenghua court were decorated with Lamaist inscriptions, such as the dish with Lamaist inscriptions on both interior and exterior in the collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing, illustrated in Blue and White Porcelain with Underglaze Red (II), The Complete Collection of Treasures of the Palace Museum, vol. 35, op. cit., p. 20, no. 18. Lamaist inscriptions also appear on Chenghua vessels decorated in doucai style, such as the small doucai cup with scrolling lotus and Sanskrit characters, which was excavated from the late Chenghua stratum at the imperial kilns at Jingdezhen, illustrated in A Legacy of Chenghua – Imperial Porcelain of the Chenghua Reign Excavated from Zhushan, Jingdezhen, op. cit., pp. 290-1, no. C101.
明十五世紀 青花金剛杵紋盤來源:香港蘇富比2002年10月30日拍賣, 拍品278號蘇玫瑰佳士得國際資深學術顧問本器釉色瑩潤,胎體勻稱,鈷青透薄,紋飾雅致,筆觸細膩,佈局疏朗,儘管無款,亦不難推斷為明代成化之作。北京故宮博物院藏一青花盤,內壁同飾十字寶杵及綬帶圖案,風格相對簡樸,皆無款,見《故宮博物院藏文物珍品大系 - 青花釉裏紅 (二)》,卷35,香港,2000年,頁9,編號7。兩盤外壁紋飾各異,本器繪纏枝蓮,該器則為四夔龍。明代皇墓曾出土一盤,成化晚期,內壁同飾十字杵紋,與上述北京故宮藏例一脈相承,見《The Emperor's broken china - Reconstructing Chenghua porcelain》,倫敦,1995年,頁77,編號102。此外,本綬帶圖案飄逸靈動,與另一明代皇墓出土成化晚期獅子戲球盤相約,見《成窰遺珍:景德鎮珠山出土成化官窰瓷器》,香港,1993年,頁226 - 7,編號C69。喇嘛教,即藏傳佛教,在元代盛極一時,其法器諸如金剛杵亦隨之傳至中原,成為中國瓷器之經典紋飾圖案。早自1207年,成吉思汗派遣使者到訪西藏,後者接納蒙古給予的防衛及宗主權,同時向統治者宏揚藏佛教義和哲理。1293年,元太宗窩闊台次子闊端率兵攻打西藏,雙方進行和談,最終西藏投降歸順蒙古,薩迦寺方丈被欽點管轄當地。蒙古人對怛特羅密教的神秘主義深感著迷,紛紛信奉喇嘛教,取代原生宗教薩滿教。1260年,忽必烈自立為大蒙古國大汗,同時奉喇嘛教為國教。蒙古人建立元朝後,於1279年統一全中國。喇嘛教發展鼎盛,深得政客及貴族大力襄助。據古藉記載,及至1291年,當地共有寺廟42,318座及僧侶213,418名。喇嘛地位顯赫,備受尊崇,廟宇受朝廷保護,守衛森嚴。喇嘛教影響力無遠弗屆,之於中國藝術,同樣昭然若揭。著名的藏文《大藏經》,先後被翻譯成蒙古文(元武宗,1308-11年)、漢文及西夏文;宮廷御製器物紛呈各種佛教符號圖像,諸如十字杵紋,屢見於青花瓷器。景德鎮曾出土一元代圍棋蓋盒,繪帶角五爪龍,蓋頂飾十字杵紋,見《景德鎮出土元明窖宮窯瓷器》,北京,1999年,頁68,編號2;出光美術館藏一青花大盌,內壁開光繪十字杵紋,見《中國陶磁》,出光美術館,東京,1987年,圖版140。喇嘛教對元代御瓷藝術風格影響深遠,基於蒙古人對該教之熱切追求。再者,來自西藏及尼泊爾的工匠也應記一功,他們造詣精湛,在景德鎮御窯的地位舉足輕重。出身尼泊爾的藝術巨匠阿尼哥(1245 -1306年),更在1278年被委任為宮廷匠師的督導官。及至明代,歷任皇帝依然普遍篤信喇嘛教,廣為布施,持續厚待喇嘛領袖,鞏固中原對藏蒙兩族的統治地位。明代開國君主洪武帝在位期間(1368-98年),為恐藏漢兩族在唐代的糾紛再度復蘇,遂派遣使者會見控制康區及西藏東南部一帶的噶瑪巴,並詔當地曾於元代期間功勞有緒的高僧到赴南京重新授封。永樂皇帝(1402-24年)亦詔西藏尚師哈立麻(1384 - 1415年)上京覲見。哈立麻先派弟子入京,其後更在1407年之春親自出訪。1413年,永樂皇帝誠詔蕯迦派高僧到赴南京,先前亦於1407年試圖詔格魯派(黃派)首領宗喀巴訪京覲見。其他藏族首領也逐一受詔赴京,被明宮視為上賓款待,饋贈厚禮,維持友好,鞏固國勢,以保太平。永樂皇帝沿用元代典章,續聘西藏及尼泊爾匠師興建北京宮殿,督導宮中匠師,不惜工本。享負盛名的明代鎏金銅佛像,蘊含西藏藝術的豐富元素。永樂至宣德(1426-35年)年間御製佛像皆刻款,供帝皇祭祠所用,或作贈禮授予西藏名僧。部分鎏金銅佛手持十字杵,例如蘇黎世里特貝格美術館藏一鎏金銅金剛手菩薩,其右手執持金剛寶杵,宮廷御製,刻永樂年款,見Helmut Uhlig,《On the Path to Enlightenment - The Berti Aschmann Foundation of Tibetan Art at the Museum Rietberg Zurich》,蘇黎世,1995年,頁106-7,編號59。北京故宮博物院藏一宣德青花蓋罐,上寫有喇嘛教經文,見《故宮博物院藏文物珍品大系 - 青花釉裏紅 (一)》,卷34,香港,2000年,頁11,編號109。宣德年間,西藏喇嘛駐京人數臻至高峰,正統(1436―49年)初年,喇嘛數量雖有所調整,先後刪減691及450名,朝廷則未有實施強行送返。及至成化時期(1465―87年),歷史記載有437名藏佛高僧及786名喇嘛,全可在宮中自由進出。成化早年,朝政大臣考慮到皇帝對佛教資源投放過多,建議收窄對廟宇僧侶的支援。此情況約莫在成化中年出現,惟成化皇帝對佛學終身熱情未減,御製瓷器依舊滲入佛教元素,包括藏傳佛教紋飾。除了本器及上述諸例所飾之十字寶杵紋,記有喇嘛經文的青花瓷器亦屢見不鮮,例如北京博物院藏一盤,內外壁均寫有喇嘛經文,見《故宮博物院藏文物珍品大系 - 青花釉裏紅 (二)》,卷35,同上,頁20,編號18。喇嘛經文更見於成化鬥彩瓷器,例如景德鎮出土一成化晚期鬥彩盃,飾纏枝蓮紋及梵文,見《成窰遺珍:景德鎮珠山出土成化官窰瓷器》,同上,頁290 - 1,編號C101。

MING DYNASTY, 15TH CENTURY

細節
明十五世紀 青花金剛杵紋盤

來源:
香港蘇富比2002年10月30日拍賣, 拍品278號

蘇玫瑰
佳士得國際資深學術顧問

本器釉色瑩潤,胎體勻稱,鈷青透薄,紋飾雅致,筆觸細膩,佈局疏朗,儘管無款,亦不難推斷為明代成化之作。北京故宮博物院藏一青花盤,內壁同飾十字寶杵及綬帶圖案,風格相對簡樸,皆無款,見《故宮博物院藏文物珍品大系 - 青花釉裏紅 (二)》,卷35,香港,2000年,頁9,編號7。兩盤外壁紋飾各異,本器繪纏枝蓮,該器則為四夔龍。明代皇墓曾出土一盤,成化晚期,內壁同飾十字杵紋,與上述北京故宮藏例一脈相承,見《The Emperor's broken china - Reconstructing Chenghua porcelain》,倫敦,1995年,頁77,編號102。此外,本綬帶圖案飄逸靈動,與另一明代皇墓出土成化晚期獅子戲球盤相約,見《成窰遺珍:景德鎮珠山出土成化官窰瓷器》,香港,1993年,頁226 - 7,編號C69。

喇嘛教,即藏傳佛教,在元代盛極一時,其法器諸如金剛杵亦隨之傳至中原,成為中國瓷器之經典紋飾圖案。早自1207年,成吉思汗派遣使者到訪西藏,後者接納蒙古給予的防衛及宗主權,同時向統治者宏揚藏佛教義和哲理。1293年,元太宗窩闊台次子闊端率兵攻打西藏,雙方進行和談,最終西藏投降歸順蒙古,薩迦寺方丈被欽點管轄當地。蒙古人對怛特羅密教的神秘主義深感著迷,紛紛信奉喇嘛教,取代原生宗教薩滿教。1260年,忽必烈自立為大蒙古國大汗,同時奉喇嘛教為國教。

蒙古人建立元朝後,於1279年統一全中國。喇嘛教發展鼎盛,深得政客及貴族大力襄助。據古藉記載,及至1291年,當地共有寺廟42,318座及僧侶213,418名。喇嘛地位顯赫,備受尊崇,廟宇受朝廷保護,守衛森嚴。喇嘛教影響力無遠弗屆,之於中國藝術,同樣昭然若揭。著名的藏文《大藏經》,先後被翻譯成蒙古文(元武宗,1308-11年)、漢文及西夏文;宮廷御製器物紛呈各種佛教符號圖像,諸如十字杵紋,屢見於青花瓷器。景德鎮曾出土一元代圍棋蓋盒,繪帶角五爪龍,蓋頂飾十字杵紋,見《景德鎮出土元明窖宮窯瓷器》,北京,1999年,頁68,編號2;出光美術館藏一青花大盌,內壁開光繪十字杵紋,見《中國陶磁》,出光美術館,東京,1987年,圖版140。喇嘛教對元代御瓷藝術風格影響深遠,基於蒙古人對該教之熱切追求。再者,來自西藏及尼泊爾的工匠也應記一功,他們造詣精湛,在景德鎮御窯的地位舉足輕重。出身尼泊爾的藝術巨匠阿尼哥(1245 -1306年),更在1278年被委任為宮廷匠師的督導官。

及至明代,歷任皇帝依然普遍篤信喇嘛教,廣為布施,持續厚待喇嘛領袖,鞏固中原對藏蒙兩族的統治地位。明代開國君主洪武帝在位期間(1368-98年),為恐藏漢兩族在唐代的糾紛再度復蘇,遂派遣使者會見控制康區及西藏東南部一帶的噶瑪巴,並詔當地曾於元代期間功勞有緒的高僧到赴南京重新授封。永樂皇帝(1402-24年)亦詔西藏尚師哈立麻(1384 - 1415年)上京覲見。哈立麻先派弟子入京,其後更在1407年之春親自出訪。1413年,永樂皇帝誠詔蕯迦派高僧到赴南京,先前亦於1407年試圖詔格魯派(黃派)首領宗喀巴訪京覲見。其他藏族首領也逐一受詔赴京,被明宮視為上賓款待,饋贈厚禮,維持友好,鞏固國勢,以保太平。

永樂皇帝沿用元代典章,續聘西藏及尼泊爾匠師興建北京宮殿,督導宮中匠師,不惜工本。享負盛名的明代鎏金銅佛像,蘊含西藏藝術的豐富元素。永樂至宣德(1426-35年)年間御製佛像皆刻款,供帝皇祭祠所用,或作贈禮授予西藏名僧。部分鎏金銅佛手持十字杵,例如蘇黎世里特貝格美術館藏一鎏金銅金剛手菩薩,其右手執持金剛寶杵,宮廷御製,刻永樂年款,見Helmut Uhlig,《On the Path to Enlightenment - The Berti Aschmann Foundation of Tibetan Art at the Museum Rietberg Zurich》,蘇黎世,1995年,頁106-7,編號59。北京故宮博物院藏一宣德青花蓋罐,上寫有喇嘛教經文,見《故宮博物院藏文物珍品大系 - 青花釉裏紅 (一)》,卷34,香港,2000年,頁11,編號109。宣德年間,西藏喇嘛駐京人數臻至高峰,正統(1436―49年)初年,喇嘛數量雖有所調整,先後刪減691及450名,朝廷則未有實施強行送返。

及至成化時期(1465―87年),歷史記載有437名藏佛高僧及786名喇嘛,全可在宮中自由進出。成化早年,朝政大臣考慮到皇帝對佛教資源投放過多,建議收窄對廟宇僧侶的支援。此情況約莫在成化中年出現,惟成化皇帝對佛學終身熱情未減,御製瓷器依舊滲入佛教元素,包括藏傳佛教紋飾。除了本器及上述諸例所飾之十字寶杵紋,記有喇嘛經文的青花瓷器亦屢見不鮮,例如北京博物院藏一盤,內外壁均寫有喇嘛經文,見《故宮博物院藏文物珍品大系 - 青花釉裏紅 (二)》,卷35,同上,頁20,編號18。喇嘛經文更見於成化鬥彩瓷器,例如景德鎮出土一成化晚期鬥彩盃,飾纏枝蓮紋及梵文,見《成窰遺珍:景德鎮珠山出土成化官窰瓷器》,同上,頁290 - 1,編號C101。
6 ¾ in. (17.3 cm.) diam.
來源
Sotheby's Hong Kong, 30 October 2002, lot 278
注意事項
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拍品專文

Compare this to a similar example from the collection of Sir John Addis, illustrated by Jessica Harrison-Hall in Ming Ceramics in the British Museum, London, 2001, no. 6:10.

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