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ADAMS, John (1735-1826). President. Autograph letter signed ("John Adams") as Vice-President, to Henry Marchant, Philadelphia, 4 May 1794. 2½ pages, 4to, integral leaf neatly inlaid, fine.
"PATRIOTISM OR SEDITION?...VIRTUE OR TREASON?": ADAMS CHALLENGES THE LEGITIMACY OF THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND DEPLORES THE DANGERS OF PARTY POLITICS: "THE MULTITUDE ARE ALWAYS THE INSTRUMENTS OF THEIR OWN SERVITUDE"
A very revealing letter in which the Vice-President forcibly articulates his growing disquiet at the development of Anti-Federalist opposition, which would prompt Washington, two years later, to warn of "the baneful effects of the spirit of party." The first decade of the Republic was shadowed by the repercussion of European wars; as Great Britain struggled to resist the dangers inherent in an overthrow of monarchy, Americans found themselves divided in their attitudes to France, their ally during the American Revolution, and Great Britain, their primary trading partner. However, a significant portion of America's Federalist leadership (Washington; and Adams, who, as McCullough notes, "was no anglophile") leaned strongly towards Britain. Adams strongly perceived that the Revolutions in France would lead to "chaos, horror, and ultimate tyranny" (John Adams, pp. 418, 457).
To Judge Henry Marchant (1741-1796) of the U.S. District Court, Adams first considers the problem of American neutrality vis a vis the combatants: "That Britain and all her Allies would be glad, by any means in their power to induce the United States to unite with them against France, cannot be doubted. But they have all seen so many proofs of a partiality in the American people in favour of France, not withstanding the prudence and firmness of our Government in preserving our Neutrality, that they have manifestly strong apprehensions of our uniting with the French against them." He analyzes, rhetorically, the implications of America's actions in regard to France: "Have we fulfilled the Treaty of Peace? Have we preserved a Neutrality? Has our Government even? Was not the reception of an Ambassador and an acknowledgment of the French Republic, a violation of Neutrality? Was not permission to sell prizes in our ports a clear departure from Neutrality? Possibly these measures may be vindicated, at least ought to be excused." Then, he assails the Anti-Federalists: "But look into our Newspapers the Resolutions of Democratical Societies and the Toasts of Civic Feasts from Georgia to New Hampshire...What but Hostility could be collected from these not only against Britain but against all Kings?"
Adams, like Washington, believed that the greatest threat to America was posed by the coalescence of distinct political parties, even though he acknowledged that their evolution was inevitable: "We had Parties about...[the] last war, about Canada, about Generals, Admirals, Ambassadors, every thing; So we shall through the whole of the next war and as long as our Union lasts; and as long as Representative Government lasts; that is to say forever." Yet he still perceived the actions of the opposition party as subversive, and in a sweeping attack that strikingly foreshadows the justification of the Alien and Sedition Acts passed during his own presidency, comments: "Pray what do you think of these private Combinations in opposition to Government? These Democratic Societies? Are they lawful assemblies, or are they Riots? Are they Patriotism or Sedition? Are they Virtue or Treason? Can any Government exist under such combinations? Is there or was there ever in the world a country in which they were not considered as a great fault? as Crimes? as Treasons? Will not foreigners avail themselves of these Clubbs, to insinuate into their members influence, corruption?...We consider them not as crimes but as Patriotism, Merit, Virtue & Honour. Will this last long? I expect they will excite insurrections which must be suppressed at the Expence of the People. The Multitude are always the Instruments of their own servitude. I wish I could warn them or guard them against it, but they will not be warned or guarded. They will consider the Man who attempts it as their Enemy. They will be flattered, they will be deceived."
It was the rise of the Democratic Societies and the growing faction supporting Thomas Jefferson, coupled with a virulent antagonistic press that finally induced Adams and the Federalist Congress to pass the Alien and Sedition Acts in 1798, aimed at the suppression of this opposition. As he here predicts, the Federalist sponsors of the legislation were seen as enemies of liberty and the people, strongly contributing to Adams's defeat in the Election of 1800 at the hands of Thomas Jefferson.
"PATRIOTISM OR SEDITION?...VIRTUE OR TREASON?": ADAMS CHALLENGES THE LEGITIMACY OF THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND DEPLORES THE DANGERS OF PARTY POLITICS: "THE MULTITUDE ARE ALWAYS THE INSTRUMENTS OF THEIR OWN SERVITUDE"
A very revealing letter in which the Vice-President forcibly articulates his growing disquiet at the development of Anti-Federalist opposition, which would prompt Washington, two years later, to warn of "the baneful effects of the spirit of party." The first decade of the Republic was shadowed by the repercussion of European wars; as Great Britain struggled to resist the dangers inherent in an overthrow of monarchy, Americans found themselves divided in their attitudes to France, their ally during the American Revolution, and Great Britain, their primary trading partner. However, a significant portion of America's Federalist leadership (Washington; and Adams, who, as McCullough notes, "was no anglophile") leaned strongly towards Britain. Adams strongly perceived that the Revolutions in France would lead to "chaos, horror, and ultimate tyranny" (John Adams, pp. 418, 457).
To Judge Henry Marchant (1741-1796) of the U.S. District Court, Adams first considers the problem of American neutrality vis a vis the combatants: "That Britain and all her Allies would be glad, by any means in their power to induce the United States to unite with them against France, cannot be doubted. But they have all seen so many proofs of a partiality in the American people in favour of France, not withstanding the prudence and firmness of our Government in preserving our Neutrality, that they have manifestly strong apprehensions of our uniting with the French against them." He analyzes, rhetorically, the implications of America's actions in regard to France: "Have we fulfilled the Treaty of Peace? Have we preserved a Neutrality? Has our Government even? Was not the reception of an Ambassador and an acknowledgment of the French Republic, a violation of Neutrality? Was not permission to sell prizes in our ports a clear departure from Neutrality? Possibly these measures may be vindicated, at least ought to be excused." Then, he assails the Anti-Federalists: "But look into our Newspapers the Resolutions of Democratical Societies and the Toasts of Civic Feasts from Georgia to New Hampshire...What but Hostility could be collected from these not only against Britain but against all Kings?"
Adams, like Washington, believed that the greatest threat to America was posed by the coalescence of distinct political parties, even though he acknowledged that their evolution was inevitable: "We had Parties about...[the] last war, about Canada, about Generals, Admirals, Ambassadors, every thing; So we shall through the whole of the next war and as long as our Union lasts; and as long as Representative Government lasts; that is to say forever." Yet he still perceived the actions of the opposition party as subversive, and in a sweeping attack that strikingly foreshadows the justification of the Alien and Sedition Acts passed during his own presidency, comments: "Pray what do you think of these private Combinations in opposition to Government? These Democratic Societies? Are they lawful assemblies, or are they Riots? Are they Patriotism or Sedition? Are they Virtue or Treason? Can any Government exist under such combinations? Is there or was there ever in the world a country in which they were not considered as a great fault? as Crimes? as Treasons? Will not foreigners avail themselves of these Clubbs, to insinuate into their members influence, corruption?...We consider them not as crimes but as Patriotism, Merit, Virtue & Honour. Will this last long? I expect they will excite insurrections which must be suppressed at the Expence of the People. The Multitude are always the Instruments of their own servitude. I wish I could warn them or guard them against it, but they will not be warned or guarded. They will consider the Man who attempts it as their Enemy. They will be flattered, they will be deceived."
It was the rise of the Democratic Societies and the growing faction supporting Thomas Jefferson, coupled with a virulent antagonistic press that finally induced Adams and the Federalist Congress to pass the Alien and Sedition Acts in 1798, aimed at the suppression of this opposition. As he here predicts, the Federalist sponsors of the legislation were seen as enemies of liberty and the people, strongly contributing to Adams's defeat in the Election of 1800 at the hands of Thomas Jefferson.