![LORD DUNMORE'S WAR – Manuscript, "Journal of the Expedition down the River Ohio Under the Command of his Excellency John Earl of Dunmore Lieutenant and Governor General of his Majesty's Colony and Dominion of Virginia 1774," [Virginia], 10 September -18 November 1774.](/lot-images/6116226/2017/NYR/2017_NYR_14998_0001_000(lord_dunmores_war_manuscript_journal_of_the_expedition_down_the_river094547).jpg?maxwidth=3840)
拍品 1"My pride makes me tremble at the thought of losing a battle ... I have certainly made mistakes, probably more than I know, what is very clear to me is that becoming the commander in chief has changed my character." Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette to François-Jean de Beauvoir, Chevalier de Chastellux, 14 June 1781 (lot 7).
Lafayette wrote this to Chastellux, his first cousin, only days before he would face Lord Charles Cornwallis in the Battle of Green Spring, Virginia. Washington had dispatched the young Frenchman to Virginia in early 1781 to oppose the British at a profoundly low point for American arms. The war in the North had been at a stalemate since 1778. The British turned their attention to the South, taking Savannah in 1778 and Charleston in 1780. Now Lafayette faced a large army commanded by the formidable Cornwallis in Virginia. Greatly outnumbered, he could ill-afford a mistake.
Lafayette's admission of trepidation on the eve of battle is but one among a selection of important letters, manuscripts, and maps that comprise our second series of highlights from the papers of François-Jean de Beauvoir, Marquis de Chastellux (1734-1788). The philosophe and soldier had arrived in America in May 1780 in the capacity of Chief-of-Staff for the expeditionary force headed by the Comte de Rochambeau, the long-awaited reinforcements from France that would turn the tide of the war. Whereas the previous selection of his papers focused on the early years of the American republic, the present group documents the decisive Yorktown campaign that made American independence a reality.
The planning behind what was to become the victory at Yorktown was extensive, with much debate on whether to attack British-occupied New York or join Lafayette's troops against Cornwallis in Virginia. The long march to Virginia appeared unfeasible. When Washington and Rochambeau met at Wethersfield, Connecticut to coordinate plans, they also agreed that a general attack against James Clinton's army in British-occupied New York held too many risks. Instead, they resolved to march their forces toward the northern reaches of Manhattan in a to bid place pressure on Clinton – and hopefully lighten Lafayette’s burden in Virginia. Meanwhile, a French fleet under the command of Admiral François de Grasse set sail from the West Indies to provide additional support.
The foray toward Manhattan in late July 1781 also allowed Washington and Rochambeau to personally reconnoiter the extensive British fortifications guarding the island. The intelligence gathered there resulted in detailed reports and maps, two of which are included in the present selection: a draft report detailing all possible plans for an attack of the city (lot 9), as well as a magnificent ink and watercolor map of New York and the surrounding countryside and waterways – with a detailed inset documenting British fortifications at the northern end of Manhattan (lot 8). If Washington held any lingering hopes that a full-scale assault on Manhattan – the island he lost in 1776 – was feasible, they were extinguished here.
When news arrived in August that de Grasse's fleet had arrived at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, Washington and Rochambeau resolved to risk everything and march south to trap Cornwallis at Yorktown. The gamble paid off, and Cornwallis, outnumbered and trapped, surrendered on 19 October 1781. Among Chastellux's papers are original manuscript reports documenting the progress of the siege operations (lots 10 and 11). The news of Cornwallis’s surrender struck like a thunderbolt. When the news arrived in Philadelphia, the city celebrated for three days. In London, the news was devastating. Benjamin Franklin quipped to Chastellux in April 1782 that "the English begin to be weary of the War, and they have reason; having suffered many Losses, having four Nations of Enemies upon their Hands, few Men to spare, little Money left, and very bad Heads. The latter they have lately changed" (lot 15). Although the fall of Lord North's government strongly signaled the British were ready negotiate peace, Washington was less certain and continued planning for another campaign in 1782, as his and Rochambeau's letters confirm (lots 16 & 18). As late as August 1782, Washington admitted to Chastellux that while "The enemy talk loudly, and very confidently of Peace" he wondered "whether they are in earnest, or whether it is to amuse, & while away the time till they can prepare for a more vigorous prosecution of the War" (lot 19).
Like his cousin Lafayette, Chastellux was enamored with America, as his travelogues, first published in their entirety in 1786, confirmed. He even enlisted Lafayette to gather material on the War of Independence, who assured his cousin in December 1781 that he would facilitate the collection of papers documenting the history of the struggle for his personal use (lot 13). Some of the material Chastellux had collected during his three-year stay in North America survive, including commentaries of several significant Revolutionary War battles from the campaigns of 1777 and 1778 (lot 2), historical maps of battlefields (lots 3 and 4), diagrams of naval engagements (lot 5), as well as primary sources – one of which is an important manuscript journal from Lord Dunmore's War against the Shawnee in 1774 (lot 1).
During his brief time in America, Chastellux endeared himself to many, but none more than Washington. "Never in my life did I part with a man to whom my soul clave more sincerely than it did to you" Washington wrote Chastellux shortly before his departure for France in December 1782, regretting that "circumstances should withdraw you from this Country before the final accomplishment of that Independence and Peace, which the Arms of our good Ally has assisted in placing before us" (lot 20).
PROPERTY OF THE LATE COMTE LOUIS DE CHASTELLUX
Lafayette wrote this to Chastellux, his first cousin, only days before he would face Lord Charles Cornwallis in the Battle of Green Spring, Virginia. Washington had dispatched the young Frenchman to Virginia in early 1781 to oppose the British at a profoundly low point for American arms. The war in the North had been at a stalemate since 1778. The British turned their attention to the South, taking Savannah in 1778 and Charleston in 1780. Now Lafayette faced a large army commanded by the formidable Cornwallis in Virginia. Greatly outnumbered, he could ill-afford a mistake.
Lafayette's admission of trepidation on the eve of battle is but one among a selection of important letters, manuscripts, and maps that comprise our second series of highlights from the papers of François-Jean de Beauvoir, Marquis de Chastellux (1734-1788). The philosophe and soldier had arrived in America in May 1780 in the capacity of Chief-of-Staff for the expeditionary force headed by the Comte de Rochambeau, the long-awaited reinforcements from France that would turn the tide of the war. Whereas the previous selection of his papers focused on the early years of the American republic, the present group documents the decisive Yorktown campaign that made American independence a reality.
The planning behind what was to become the victory at Yorktown was extensive, with much debate on whether to attack British-occupied New York or join Lafayette's troops against Cornwallis in Virginia. The long march to Virginia appeared unfeasible. When Washington and Rochambeau met at Wethersfield, Connecticut to coordinate plans, they also agreed that a general attack against James Clinton's army in British-occupied New York held too many risks. Instead, they resolved to march their forces toward the northern reaches of Manhattan in a to bid place pressure on Clinton – and hopefully lighten Lafayette’s burden in Virginia. Meanwhile, a French fleet under the command of Admiral François de Grasse set sail from the West Indies to provide additional support.
The foray toward Manhattan in late July 1781 also allowed Washington and Rochambeau to personally reconnoiter the extensive British fortifications guarding the island. The intelligence gathered there resulted in detailed reports and maps, two of which are included in the present selection: a draft report detailing all possible plans for an attack of the city (lot 9), as well as a magnificent ink and watercolor map of New York and the surrounding countryside and waterways – with a detailed inset documenting British fortifications at the northern end of Manhattan (lot 8). If Washington held any lingering hopes that a full-scale assault on Manhattan – the island he lost in 1776 – was feasible, they were extinguished here.
When news arrived in August that de Grasse's fleet had arrived at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, Washington and Rochambeau resolved to risk everything and march south to trap Cornwallis at Yorktown. The gamble paid off, and Cornwallis, outnumbered and trapped, surrendered on 19 October 1781. Among Chastellux's papers are original manuscript reports documenting the progress of the siege operations (lots 10 and 11). The news of Cornwallis’s surrender struck like a thunderbolt. When the news arrived in Philadelphia, the city celebrated for three days. In London, the news was devastating. Benjamin Franklin quipped to Chastellux in April 1782 that "the English begin to be weary of the War, and they have reason; having suffered many Losses, having four Nations of Enemies upon their Hands, few Men to spare, little Money left, and very bad Heads. The latter they have lately changed" (lot 15). Although the fall of Lord North's government strongly signaled the British were ready negotiate peace, Washington was less certain and continued planning for another campaign in 1782, as his and Rochambeau's letters confirm (lots 16 & 18). As late as August 1782, Washington admitted to Chastellux that while "The enemy talk loudly, and very confidently of Peace" he wondered "whether they are in earnest, or whether it is to amuse, & while away the time till they can prepare for a more vigorous prosecution of the War" (lot 19).
Like his cousin Lafayette, Chastellux was enamored with America, as his travelogues, first published in their entirety in 1786, confirmed. He even enlisted Lafayette to gather material on the War of Independence, who assured his cousin in December 1781 that he would facilitate the collection of papers documenting the history of the struggle for his personal use (lot 13). Some of the material Chastellux had collected during his three-year stay in North America survive, including commentaries of several significant Revolutionary War battles from the campaigns of 1777 and 1778 (lot 2), historical maps of battlefields (lots 3 and 4), diagrams of naval engagements (lot 5), as well as primary sources – one of which is an important manuscript journal from Lord Dunmore's War against the Shawnee in 1774 (lot 1).
During his brief time in America, Chastellux endeared himself to many, but none more than Washington. "Never in my life did I part with a man to whom my soul clave more sincerely than it did to you" Washington wrote Chastellux shortly before his departure for France in December 1782, regretting that "circumstances should withdraw you from this Country before the final accomplishment of that Independence and Peace, which the Arms of our good Ally has assisted in placing before us" (lot 20).
PROPERTY OF THE LATE COMTE LOUIS DE CHASTELLUX
LORD DUNMORE'S WAR – Manuscript, "Journal of the Expedition down the River Ohio Under the Command of his Excellency John Earl of Dunmore Lieutenant and Governor General of his Majesty's Colony and Dominion of Virginia 1774," [Virginia], 10 September -18 November 1774.
已结束2017年12月5日
成交价
USD 93,750